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INTERNATIONAL AMERICAN CONFERENCE. 



REPORTS OF COMMITTEES 

AM) 

DISCUSSIONS THEREON. 
Volume IV. 



HISTORICAL APPENDIX. 



THE CONGRESS OF 1826, AT PANAMA, 

AND SUBSEQUENT MOVEMENTS TOWARD A CONFERENCE OF 
AMERICAN NATIONS. 



WASHINGTON: 

GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE. 
1890. 






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TABLE OK CONTENTS 



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Page 
Historical Papers relating to the Congress at Panama. 

Adams, President John Quincy. Message to Congress, 1835. . 19 
Adams, President John Quincy. nominates Commissioners 

to Panama Congress '-':! 

Adams, President John Quincy, reply to Resolution of In- 
quiry from the House of Representatives. ... 34 

Address of President of Panama ( Iongress Wl 

Agreement, secret, of South American Republics, l s '.'ii ... Hi? 

Agreement of Panama * iongress llL' 

Anderson, Richard C, nominated commissioner to Panama 

Congress 23-53 

Anderson, Richard ('..commissioner, instructions to 113,151 

Bolivar's suggestion of International Conference 155 

Bolivar's " Prophetic Letter " L58 

< 'anaz. Antonio Jose, to Henry ( lay :'.',' 

i entral American Minister to Henry Clay 32 

Clay. Henry, letter to the President on Panama i Iongress. . . 23 

( 'lay. Henry, to Mexican Minister 30, 99 

( 'lay. Henry, to < 'entral American Minister :!:i 

Clay, Henry, reply to Resolution of Inquiry 50 

Clay, Henry, instructions to United States Delegates 113,151 

i lolombia ratifies action of Panama ( Iongress 201 

Colombian Minister to Henry Clay 27, 1 1 1 

( lommissioners, U. S.,to the Panama < ! ongress nominated. .. 93 

t lommissioners to Panama. Senate refuses to confirm 53 

Commissioners to Panama < Iongress. 101 

Constitutional history of the United States, extracts from. . i 

i lonference, International, proposed by Bolivar 155 

Delegates, United states, instructions to 113 

Foreign affairs, report of Senate Committee on 53 

Foreign affaire, report of committee on, H. oi R.,1826 81 

Guatemala represented at Panama Congress Mil 

Guatemala refuses to ratify action of Panama ( Iongress. . . 201 

Installation of President of Panama Congress 101 



Page. 

Congress at Panama— Continued. 

Instructions, Mr. Clay's, to United States delegates 113, 151 

Message of President Adams to Congress. 1825 19 

Message of President Adams in reply to the Resolution of 

Inquiry 34 

Message of President Adams to Congress, 1829 113 

Mexican Minister to Henry Clay 25, 101 

Mexico represented at Panama Congress 101 

Mexico refuses to ratify action of Panama Congress 201 

Monroe Doctrine, history of 12 

Notes on Panama Congress by J. I. Rodriguez 155 

Obregon, Pablo, to Henry Clay 25 

Peru represented at Panama Congress 101 

Peru refuses to ratify action of Panama Congress 201 

Poinsett, Mr., letter to Henry Clay 101, 110 

Proceedings of Panama Congress 173 

Protocols of Panama Congress 112, 174 

Report of the Senate, Committee on Foreign Affairs, 1826. . . 53 

Report of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, H. of R., 1826. . 81 

Representatives, House of, Resolution of Inquiry 34 

Representatives, House of. reply to, by Mr. Clay 50 

Representatives, House of, approves appointment of Commis- 
sioners 81 

Resolution of Inquiry, reply of Henry Clay to 50 

Results of Panama Congress 174 

Rochester, William B. . Secretary to Panama Congress 23 

Salazar, Jose Maria, to Henry Clay 30, 111 

Senate, U. S., refuses to confirm Delegates to Panama 53 

Senate Committee on Foreign Affairs, report of 53 

Sergeant, John, Commissioner to Panama 23-53 

Sergeant, John, Commissioner, instructions to 113, 151 

Smith, John Speed, Secretary to Panama Congress 152 

Tucker, George F., history of Monroe Doctrine 12 

Venezuela represented at Panama Congress 101 

Vidaurre, Antonio de, President of Panama Congress 101 

Bolivar delivers invitation to the Conference of 1826. 150 

Columbia replies to 161 

Mexico replies to 163 

Chili replies to 164 

Brazil replies to 165 

Argentine Republic replies to 166 

United States replies to 30 

Bolivar's instructions to Panama Congress 169 

Congress at Lima in 1847 203 

Chili, treaty with Colombia 220 

Conference of 1856 207 



Page. 

< Iongress at Lima in ISO! 209 

( iONTINENTAL TREATY OF 1856 207 

I IONGRESS OP 1881 PROPOSED. 

Invitation from < lolombia to 218-237 

Argentine Republic, reply of 230 

Bolivia, reply of 244 

Chili, reply of 222 

Costa Rica, reply of 22(5 

Ecuador, reply of 242 

( hiatemala, reply of 241 

Honduras, reply of 248 

Mexico, reply of 228 

Nicaragua, reply of 229 

Peru, reply of 224 

Salvador, reply of 241 

S;m Domingo, reply of 223 

Uruguay, reply of 246 

Congress of 1882 proposed 253 

Invitation from the United States to 255 

Bolivia, reply of 266 

Brazil, reply of 263 

( '( ista Rica, reply of 267 

Guatemala, reply of - 261 

Honduras, reply of 265 

Mexico, reply of 269 

Nicaragua, reply of 265 

Salvador, reply of 264 

Venezuela, replj of 25s 

Invitation withdrawn by the United States 272 

Ecuador responds to 274 

Guatemala responds to 272 

Paraguay responds to 277 

Salvador responds to 275 

Uruguay responds to 276 

Congress of Montevideo, 1888. 

Invitation to < Iongress of Montevideo 282 

Meeting of Congress of Montevideo 2S1 

Results of ( longress of Montevideo 284 

Lagos, Garcia, President, address of 284 

( 'osta. Quirno, address of 281! 

Conference, International American. 

Arbitration, scheme presented in House of Representatives. 310 

Arbitration scheme in Senate 311 

Belmont. Perry, minority report against Conference 320 

Bill authorizing < tonference passed 329 

Cleveland, President, declines to sign bill authorizing meet- 
ing of ( lonference 375 



Conference, International American — Continuea. 

Cockrell, Senator, introduces bill for 29-1 

Commission, South American, authorized 308 

Curtis, William Eleroy. appointed Secretary to South Amer- 
ican Commission 309 

Curtis, William Eleroy, address before ( 'ommittee on Foreign 

Relations 360 

Customs Union proposed 297 

Customs Union adversely reported 309 

Davis, David, introduces first bill for 293 

Foreign Affairs Committee, adverse report on 297 

Foreign Relations Committee, report on 299 

Frelinghuysen, Secretary, project 300 

Frye, Senator, bill to authorize holding the Conference 312 

Frye, Senator, bill passes Senate 329 

Helper, H. R, Bill for a Railway Conference 229 

House of Representatives passes bill authorizing Arbitration . 375 

Legislation referring to International American Conference . 291 

McCreary, Representative, reports against arbitration 310 

McCreary, Representative, introduces bill for Conference. . . 314 

McCreary, Representative, favorable report for Conference. . 315 

MeKinley, Representative, proposes arbitration Conference. 315 

Morgan, Senator, introduces bill for Conference 295 

Railway, Intercontinental, scheme revived 311 

Reagan, Senator, proposes common silver coin 313 

Reynolds, Thomas C, appointed commissioner 309 

Reynolds, Thomas C, to Committee on Foreign Relations. . . 347 

Senate passes bill authorizing Conference 373 

Sharpe, George H., appointed on South American commis- 
sion 309 

Silver, common coin proposed 313 

Stewart, Representative, favorable report on Conference. . . 302 
Thacher, Solon O.. appointed on South American commis- 
sion 309 

Thacher, Solon O., address before Committee on Foreign 

Relations 331 

Townshend Representative, proposes Customs Union 373 



HISTORICAL APPENDIX. 



THE CONGRESS OF 1826 AT PANAMA. 



Extracts from Constitutional History of the United States. 
Von Hoist, 1750-1832. 

As early as 1821 the idea of forming a close connection 
between the Spanish colonies in Central and South America, 
then engaged in revolution, had been suggested by Colom- 
bia. A few months before their independence was recog- 
nized by the United States a treaty was negotiated between 
Colombia and Chili (July, 1822), in which a convocation 
of a congress of the new republics was contemplated. 
"The construction of a continental system for America," 
which should "resemble the one already constructed in 
Europe," was the apparent project of these two powers. 
The idea ripened very slowly. It was not until the spring 
of 1825 that the meeting of the Congress in Panama was 
so far assured that the ambassadors of Colombia and Mex- 
ico verbally inquired of Clay, who was then Secretary of 
State of the United States, whether an invitation to be 
represented at the Congress would be acceptable to the 
President. Adam had an answer sent, worded in his own 
cautious way, to the effect that he first wished to be in- 
C 'lined concerning the topics agreed upon for discussion, 
the nature and form of powers to be given to the "diplo- 
matic agents," and the "organization and method of pro- 
cedure" of the Congress. The ambassadors of the two 
mentioned states, in their formal letters of invitation, gave 
very unsatisfactory assurances on these points. Clay re- 
ferred to this in his answers, but at the same time declared 
that the President had decided to accept the invitation "at 
once." 



When the question of sending representatives to the 

Congress came up in the Senate, and later in the House, 
the opposition tried to make capital out of this piece of 
inconsistency. It was too meaningless in itself to deserve 
any censure. Its interest was due simply to the fact that 
it lifted for a moment the veil of the future. 

* * * * * * * 

Ingham of Pennsylvania read in the House of Repre- 
sentatives two newspaper articles, which treated the re- 
quest for participation in the Panama Congress in exactly 
different ways. He stated that it was as good as certain 
that the article opposing this had proceeded from or been 
inspired by Adams, and the one in its favor by Clay. He 
gave no proof for the assertion. It must therefore remain 
a question whether his zeal in opposition did not lead him 
to put forward groundless suspicions as facts. But it may 
be considered as sufficiently proved that Adams at first 
looked on the project much more coolly than he did after- 
wards, and that Clay was not without influence upon this 
change of opinion. 

Clay had rendered great services to the young republics. 
He had been the most determined champion of their affairs 
in the United States. He had at first demanded with 
stormy energy that sympathy for them should not exhaust 
itself in worthless words, but take the form of acts. No 
defeat frightened him from the field, and it was largely 
due to his constant efforts that their independence had 
been already recognized by the United States in the spring 
of 1822. His speeches on these questions are among the 
most brilliant productions of his genius. His most nota- 
ble characteristics, as well as his greatest weakness, ap- 
peared in them in the clearest light. His enthusiasm lifted 
him, with a hold sweep, to a height from which he looked 
down with compassionate impatience upon the petty poli- 
ticians who, in their routine wisdom, could uot see the 
forest because of the trees around them. The knowledge 
that America was an integral part of one civilized world 
dawned in his mind. If his agitation was based on the 
sharp emphasis which lie laid on the opposing positions of 
America and Europe, vet the fact does not contradict this 



assertion. Exactly because lie did not, in his political 
reasoning, lose sighl of Europe, be strove for the consoli- 
dation of America and insisted upon its peculiar charac- 
teristics and its specific interests. Tbeattempl of the Holy 
Alliance to fetter together Europe in behalf of the inter- 
ests of absolute monarchy made it seem to him desirable, 
if not necessary, to oppose to this "unholy league" a 
.union of the states founded upon the "American princi- 
ple" of popular sovereignty. 

The authorship of this idea of a solidarity of the interests 
of all America, resting nol only upon the geographical 
proximity of States, but mainly, indeed, upon the identity 
of their fundamental political principles, belongs, not ex- 
clusively, but yet chiefly to Clay. According to his plan 
this solidarity of interests was to assume concrete form in 
the Panama Congress. It would there be legally adopted 
so far as this fundamental political principle had obtained 
practical recognition. From this firm stand-point he hoped 
to see the great plan he had announced as early as 1820 
realized — the establishment of a " human-freedom league 
in America," in which "all the nations from Hudson's 
Bay to Cape Horn" should be united, but not simply for 
the sake of remaining in permanent contrast to Europe, 
tortured by despots. He declared that through the power 
of example, through its moral influence, the American 
system would ever extend farther and farther, so that a 
point of union, a haven for freedom and lovers of freedom, 
would be formed upon the soil that was wet with the blood 
of tin' revolutionary forefathers. 

In his speeidi of March 24, 1818, •"on the emancipation 

of Solltll America," lie denied tile justice of the assertion 

that the South Americans were too ignorant and too super- 
stitious "to allow of the existence of a free state." He 
questioned the ignorance, but yet denied that ignorance 
necessitated incapacity for self-government. That, he de- 
clared, was the doctrine of the throne, and conflicted with 
the natural order of things. The South Americans, he 
said, " adopt our principles, copy our institutions, and in 



10 

many cases use both the language of our revolutionary 
ordinances and the thoughts therein expressed." 

The Secretary of State had known how to impart to the 
President something of his own enthusiasm, which let him 
see in the Panama Congress the boundary stone of a ■'' new 
epoch of the world's history." Adams's message to the 
House of Representatives fairly surpassed Clay's effusions 
in pompous phrases. He doubted whether such a favor- 
able opportunity for subserving " the benevolent pur- 
poses of Divine Providence " and dispensing ' ' the prom- 
ised blessings of the Redeemer of mankind" would again 
be presented to the United States in centuries. 

* * * * * * * 

He discusses, first and most thoroughly, the conclusion 
of friendly and commercial treaties, on the basis of com- 
plete reciprocity, on the footing of the most favored nation, 
"the abolition of private war upon the ocean," and limita- 
tions of war usages, in regard to contraband-of-war and 
blockade, in such a way as to favor neutral trade. After 
explaining, with great minuteness, his position on the 
Monroe doctrine and the way in which he wishes to see it 
brought before the Congress and treated by the latter, he 
touches upon Hayti and Cuba with diplomatic prudence, 
and finally expresses the opinion that an effort should be 
made on the part of the United States to obtain the recog- 
nition of "the just and liberal principles of religious 
liberty." 

******* 

But the opposition was so crazed in its blind zeal that, 
out of policy, it had not the slightest word of approval for 
any point whatever of the whole scheme. Every part of 
it was raked over the coals, and the most innocent portion 
was held up as the source of sure destruction. 

* * * * * * 

The slaveholders simply stated that they saw in the Con- 
gress peril to their "peculiar institution," and drew from 
this fact, in the same conclusive way, the inference that 
this must be recognized eo ipso as an absolute veto. 



11 

Now, the South affirmed that in reference to the rest of 
America, as well as to Europe, slavery must be and remain 
the prime motive of the foreign policy of the Tinted States. 

* * ***** 

In the invitations to the Congress llayti was mentioned. 
a name that had an ominous sound in the Southern States 
for more than thirty years. If they could have blotted 
one page oul of the book of history, it can scarcely be 

doubted that they would havechosen tl ne which told the 

story of the successful negro revolution in Hayti. It was 
a cry of warning, the whole significance of which was re- 
called to the conscience of the slaveholder by the slightest 
cause. The thing which had been done could no1 be un- 
done; hut men did what, they could— the independence of 
llayti did not exist lor the United States. 

* * ***** 
The history of the republics gave an example which was 

'■ scarcely less fatal than the independence of Hayti to the 
repose" of the South. They had not onlycopied from the 
revolutionary records of the United States the words 
"freedom" and "equality" and "universal emancipa- 
tion." but had actually broken the chains of all slaves.* 

It had already 1 n declared that the United States could 

not. with equanimity see Cuba pass into the hands of a 

*Whil nnected with slavery can we consent to treat with other 

nations, and least of nil ought we to touch this question of the inde- 
pendence of Hayti in conjunction with revolutionary governments, 
whose own history affords an example scarcely less fatal 1(0,111- repose? 
Those governments have proclaimed the principles of liberty and 
equality, and have marched to victory under the bannerof " universal 
emancipation." You tind men of color at the head of their armies, in 
their legislative halls, and in their executive departments.— Hayne, 
March 11. L826, Debates of Congress, VIII, p. 427. 

* * * * * * * 
Deb. of Con K ., VIII. p. 111. 

2 Hamilton, of South Carolina, declared in the House of Representa- 
tives : "I should avow what I believe to he the sentiments of the 

Southern people on this question; and this is, that Haytianin depend- 
ence is not to he tolerated in any form. * * * A people will not 

stop to discuss the nice metaphysics of a federative system when havoc 
and destruction menace them in their doors. 



12 

European power. Now it was directly declared that the 
United States would not "allow " and "permit" it. More- 
over, the position of the country in regard to Colombia's 
and Mexico's plans of acquisition was more sharply de- 
fined. It was stated first that '"the President could see 
no just ground for armed intervention " if Spain should 
obstinately continue the war, for invasion would then be 
only a "legal warlike operation" of the States named. 
Yet this declaration was linked with a significant condi- 
tion. 

If these Republics, contrary to all expectation, should place arms in 
the hands of one race in order to destroy another; if * * * they 
should countenance and encourage excesses and actions which, on ac- 
count of our proximity, could by infection endanger our repose and 
safety; then the Government of the United States might feel obliged 
to interpose. 

******* 

The administration gained a formal victory in both 
houses, but practically the opposition had reached its end 
by delaying the decision. When the ambassadors of the 
United States arrived in Panama the Congress had already 
adjourned and the agreed-upon reunion in Tacubaya did 
not take place. 



[Extract from, the History of the Monroe Doctrine, by 
George F. Tucker.] 

The quotation from the diary of Mr. Plumer which con- 
cludes the preceding chapter confirms the opinion gener- 
ally entertained, that Mr. Adams did something more 
than merely contribute to those passages of the Presi- 
dent's message which refer to the threatened intervention 
of European powers. Mr. Adams's fervid patriotism was 
doubtless quickened by an apprehension, amounting al- 
most to a conviction, that the adherents of absolutism in 
Europe were determined to let no opportunity slip to 
impede in some way the progress of democratic institu- 
tions on this continent. His continuance in public office, 



13 

therefore, was a guaranty of the continuance of his for- 
eign policy; ami very soon after Lis accession to the Presi- 
dency as the successor of Mr. Monroe an opportunity to 
continue that policy was presented, in the invitation of 
several of the South American Republics to the Govern- 
ment of this country to participate in the deliberations of 
the Congress of American States to be held at Panama. 

These South American republics were now rejoicing in 
the assurance of their own autonomy. It was in L808, 
uearly twenty years before, that the interference of Napo- 
leon in the affairs of Spain enabled them to sever their 
connection with the mother country and to assert their 
independence. Even then a long struggle was inevitable. 
In vain they looked to the monarchies of Europe for suc- 
cor or approval. Their only hope of recognition was in 
t he Government of the United States. Mr. Clay became 
particularly prominent in the espousal of their cause. 
Early in the year 1818 he made a, passionate appeal in the 
House of Representatives for immediate recognition, and 
it seems that the condition of those provinces was, on May 
13, lsis. one of the subjects of discussion at a meeting of 
the Cabinet.* Recognition of the new republics by this 
country was delayed for four years longer, and it was fol- 
lowed not very long after by their acknowledgment by 
Great Britain. The inference, therefore, is natural thai 
upon his acceptance of tin- office of Secretary of State 
under President Adams. Mi'. Clay was as ready to join in 
any effort to extend help to the new republics as he had 
been to champion their cause in the House of Represent- 
at ives. 

Spain had not yet given up all hope of resubjugating 
her former dependencies ; but coercion without the aid of 
some other European power was practically an impossi- 
bility. Their sovereignty and independence thus acknowl- 
edged by the two great English-speaking nations, the young 
republics began to agitate the calling of a Congress at 
Panama, to which the Governments of the American States 
(including the Government of this country) should be in- 
vited to send representatives to discuss questions and adopt 

*,See Works of John Quincy Adams, IV, 91. 



measures particularly affecting the welfare and develop- 
ment of the American continents. 

Here it should be noted that Mr. Clay, in his instruc- 
tions of March 25. 1825. to Mr. Poinsett, minister of the 
United States to Mexico, directed him to urge upon the 
Government of that country the utility and expediency of 
asserting the principles laid down in the message of Pres- 
ident Monroe, of December 2, 1823. In regard to the 
principle that the American continents are not henceforth 
to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any 
European power, Mr. Clay remarked : 

There is no disposition to disturb the colonial possessions, as they may 
now exist, of any of the European powers ; but it is against the estab- 
lishment of new European colonies upon this continent that the prin- 
ciple is directed.* 

At about the time when these instructions were given to 
Mr. Poinsett, Mr. Clay informed the ministers of Colombia 
and Mexico, Messrs. Salazar and Obregon, that the Pres- 
ident thought that the United States ought to be repre- 
sented at Panama if preliminary points could be satisfac- 
torily arranged : 

Such as the subjects to which the attention of the Congress was to 
be directed, the nature and the form of the powers to be given to the 
diplomatic agents who were to compose it, and the mode of its organ- 
ization and its action, f 

Messrs. Salazar and Obregon, on the 2d and 3d of the 
following November respectively, adddressed communica- 
tions to the Secretaiy of State, defining in a general way 
the probable subjects of discussion at the Congress. Mr. 
Clay replied on the 30th of the same month that there was 
not a satisfactory compliance with the President's desire 
as to the arrangement of preliminary points ; yet the Presi- 
dent had decided to send commissioners, provided the 
Senate should give their advice and consent. The same 
intention was also on the same day communicated to Mr. 
Canaz, the representative of the Government of Central 
America. 

Only a few days after, on the 6th day of December, 
appeared the President's message, in which he announced 

* British and Foreign State Papers, 1825, 1826, p. 487. 
t Ibid. , p. 457, 



15 

the acceptance of the invitation of the republics of Colom- 
bia, of Mexico, and of Central America to the United 
States to take part in the deliberations of the Congress at 
Panama. 

On the 26th of the same month, the President sent a 
special message to the Senate, in which he stated his mo- 
tives for acceding to the measure, and also the probable 
subjects of discussion at Panama. He concluded by nom- 
inating Richard C. Anderson, of Kentucky, and John 
Sergeant of Pennsylvania, to be envoys extraordinary 
and ministers plenipotentiary. The following passage 
from the message particularly refers to our subject of in- 
quiry : 

An agreement between all the parties represented at the meeting, 
that each will guard, by its own means, against the establishment of 
any future European colony within its borders, may be found advisa- 
ble. This was more than two years since announced by my prede- 
cessor to the world as a principle resulting from the emancipation of 
both the American continents. It may be so developed to the new 
southern nations that they will all feel it as an essential appendage to 
their independence.* 

On March 15. 1826, the President submitted a message 
to the House of Representatives in which, after referring 
to that portion of President Monroe's message deprecat- 
ing future European colonization, he remarked as follows : 

The principle had first been assumed in the negotiation with Russia. It 
rested upon a course of reasoning equally simple and conclusive. With 
the exception of the existing European colonies, which it was in no- 
wise intended to disturb, the two continents consisted of several sov- 
ereign and independent nations, whose territories covered their whole 
surface. By this their independent condition the United States en- 
joyed the right of commercial intercourse w ith every part of their 
possessions. To attempt the establishment of a colony in those pos- 
sessions would be to usurp, to the exclusion of others, a commercial 
intercourse which was the common possession of all. It could not be 
done without encroaching upon existing rights of the United States. 
The Government of Russia has never disputed these positions, nor 
manifested the slightest dissatisfaction at their having been taken. 
Most of the new American republics have declared their assent to them : 
and they now propose, among the subjects of consultation at Panama, 
to take into consideration the means of making effectual the assertion 

* British and Foreign State Papers, 1825, 1826, p. 391. 



16 

Of that principle, as well as the means of resisting interference, from 
abroad, with the domestic concerns of the American Governments. 

In alluding to these means it would obviously be premature at this 
time to anticipate that which is offered merely as a matter for consul- 
tation, or to pronounce upon those measures which have been or may 
be suggested. The purpose of this Government is to concur in none 
which would import hostility to Europe, or justly excite resentment in 
any of her States. Should it be deemed advisable to contract any con- 
ventional engagement on this topic, our views would extend no further 
than to a mutual pledge of the parties to the compact, to maintain the 
principle in application to its own territory, and to permit no colonial 
lodgments or establishment of European jurisdiction upon its own soil; 
and with respect to the obtrusive interference from abroad, if its future 
character may be inferred from that which has been, and perhaps still 
is, exercised in more than one of the new States, a joint declaration of 
its character, and exposure of it to the world, may be probably all that 
the occasion would require.* 

Later on, the President considers the question whether 
the acceptance of the invitation might not have a tendency 
to change the policy, advocated by Washington, of avoid- 
ng foreign alliances, f He argues that the counsel of 
Washington "was founded upon the circumstances in 
which our country and the world around us were situated 
at the time when it was given ; " that Europe has still her 
set of primary interests, and that our distant and detached 
situation remains the same ; hut that the Spanish- Amer- 
ican colonies have now been transformed into eight inde- 
pendent nations, with reference to whom our situation is 
neither distant nor detached. Our territorial expansion 
and national development in the interval have been such 
that America has now "a set of primary interests which 
have none, or a remote relation to Europe." 

The President, therefore, concludes that the acceptance 
of the invitation. " far from conflicting with the counsel 
or the policy of Washington, is directly deducible from 
and conformable to it ;" and that it was no less conform- 
able to the declaration of President Monroe that the ex- 
tension of the European political system to any portion of 
this hemisphere would be regarded as dangerous to our 
peace and safety. J 

* British, Foreign, and State Papers. 1835, 1826. p. 450. f See page 3. 
1 British, Foreign, and State Papers, 1825, 1826, p. 453. 



17 

Alter quoting this particular declaration, Mr. Adams 
proceeds as follows : 

To the question which may he asked, whether this meeting, and the , 
principles which may be adjusted and settled by it, as rules of inter- 
course between the American nations, may not give umbrage to the 
Holy League of European powers, or offense to Spain, it is deemed a 
sufficient answer that our attendance at Panama can give no just cause 
of umbrage or offense to either, and that the United States will stipu- 
late nothing there which can give such cause. Here the right of in- 
quiry into our purposes and measures must stop. The Holy League of 
Europe itself was formed without inquiry of the United States whether 
it would or would not give umbrage to them. The tear of giving um- 
brage to the Holy League of Europe was urged as a motive for denying 
to the American nations the acknowledgment of their independence. 
That it would be viewed by Spain as hostility to her was not only 
urged, but directly declared by herself. The Congress ami adminis- 
tration of that day consulted their rights and duties, and not their 
fears. Fully determined to give no needless displeasure to any foreign 
power, tin- United States can estimate the probability of their giving 
it. only by the right which any foreign state could have to take it. from 
their measures. Neither the representation of the United States at 
Panama, nor any measure to which their assent may be yielded there, 
will give to the Holy League or any of its members, nor to Spain, the 
right to take offense. For the rest, the United States must still, as 
heretofore, take counsel from their duties rather than their fears. 

The debate in the Senate upon the proposed mission was 
extremely acrimonious. Serious charges were brought 
against the President, and the policy and purposes of the 
administration were denounced as of a dangerous charac- 
ter. It was claimed that a participation in the delibera- 
tions of the Congress could be of no benefit to this country, 
and might bo the means of involving us in international 
complications. However, the Senate at last concurred in 
the appointment of Messrs. Anderson and Sergeant as 
envoys extraordinary and ministers plenipotentiary. 

The concurrence of the House was recpiired in order to 
afford the appropriation necessary to carry the executive 
measure into effect. Daniel Webster was then a member 
of that body, and in April, 1826, in committee of the whole, 
he delivered a remarkably able speech upon the duty of the 
House. It was not their duty constitutionally to decide, 
he said, "what shall be discussed by particular ministers, 
already appointed, when they shall meet the ministers of 
2pa 



18 

the other powers," but simply to vote the necessary appro- 
priation. The matter would thus be left where the Con- 
, stitution had left it, " to executive discretion and executive 
responsibility." After reviewing the events which pre- 
ceded the declaration of Mr. Monroe, he declared: 

I look on the message of December, 1823, as forming a bright page 
in our history. I will neither help to erase it or tear it out, nor shall it 
be by any act of mine blurred or blotted. It did honor to the sagacity of 
the Government, and I will not diminish that honor. It elevated the 
hopes and gratified the patriotism of the people. Over those hopes I 
will not bring a mildew, nor will I put that gratified patriotism to 
shame.* 

The statement of Mr. Adams in regard to the parties to 
be represented at the conference that ' ' each will guard, 
by its own means, against the establishment of any future 
European colony within its borders " f has been often crit- 
icised, and sometimes denounced as a limitation of the 
inhibition by Mr. Monroe of European colonization. Mr. 
Dana maintains that on the assumption, "that a sovereign 
State would not permit other sovereign States to appro- 
priate its territory by colonization," Mr. Monroe simply 
declared, "the fact that the whole continent was within 
the territory of some responsible State, and not fera, nat- 
ures, and so open to appropriation," and therefore that 
the proper view of Mr. Adams's proposal is — 

that each State represented at the Congress should make for itself the 
declaration which Mr. Monroe made for the United States in 1823 ; that 
is, that its territories were not open to appropriation by colonization, 
and pledge itself to resist any attempts in that direction. 1. 

It is proper to remark that Mr. Adams's administration 
was not a popular one, and it is therefore probable that 
much of the opposition to the mission was inspired by per- 
sonal feelings and partisan motives. Few measures in the 
history of the country have excited more intemperate dis- 
cussion, or created greater antagonism between a Presi- 
dent and a Senate. 

Messrs. Anderson and Sergeant, provided with elaborate 
instructions from Mr. Clay, at last set out to attend the 
meeting at Panama ; but before their arrival that Con- 

* Works, iii, 205. f See page 27. IWheaton, edited by Dana, §67 n. 



19 

gress had assembled, discussed the three considerations of 
independence, peace, and security, and adjourned. On 
March 3, 1820, nearly three years after, the President, in 
laying before the Senate a copy of Mr. Clay's instructions 
to the deputies, said, that while there was no probability 
of the renewal of negotiations, "the purposes for which 
they were intended are still of the deepest interest to our 
country and to the world, and may hereafter call again 
for the active energies of the Government of the United 
States."* 

If this statement may be regarded as a prophecy, then 
the recent action of the United States Congress in making 
an appropriation for sending three commissioners to the 
countries south of us may be regarded as its fulfillment. 

Just before the late President Garfield was shot he made 
the resolution, which was carried out by his successor, of 
issuing invitations to all the independent Governments of 
North and South America, to meet in a Peace Congress at 
Washington. These invitations were afterward recalled 
or suspended, in order that Congress might give an opin- 
ion upon the expediency of the step ; and on the 7th of 
July, 1884, an act was approved making the appropria- 
tion referred to above, and providing that — 

Said commissioners shall ascertain the best modes of securing more 
intimate international and commercial relations between the United 
States ami the several countries of Central and South America, and for 
that purpose the, shall visit such countries in Central and South 
America as the President may direct, f 



Message of Mr. Adams to Congress December 0, 1825. 

(Extract from the message from the President of the United States, to both Houses 
of Congress, at the commencement of the first session of the Nineteenth Con- 



Among the measures which have been suggested to them 
by the new relations with one another, resulting from the 
recent changes in their conditions, is that of assembling, 
at the Isthmus of Panama, a Congress, at which each of 

* Benton's Abridgment, x., 252. 

f U. S. Statutes, 1883, 1884, chap. 333, p. 235. 



20 . 

them should be represented, to deliberate upon the objects 
important to the welfare of all. The Republics of Colom- 
bia, of Mexico, and of Central America, have already de- 
puted plenipotentiaries to such a meeting, and they have 
invited the United States to be also represented there by 
their ministers. The invitation has been accepted, and 
ministers on the part of the United States will be com- 
missioned to attend at those deliberations, and to take 
part in them, so far as may be compatible with that neu- 
trality from which it is neither our intention, nor the 
desire of the other American States, that we should depart. 



President Adams s special message to the Senate, Decem- 
ber 26, 1825. 

Washington, December 26, 1825. 
To the Senate of the United States: 

In the message to both houses of Congress at the com- 
mencement of the session, it was mentioned that the Gov- 
ernments of the Republics of Columbia, of Mexico, and 
of Central America had severally invited the Govern- 
ment of the United States to be represented at the Congress 
of American nations to be assembled at Panama, to 
deliberate upon objects of peculiar concernment to this 
hemisphere, and that this invitation had been accepted. 

Although this measure was deemed to be within the con- 
stitutional competency of the Executive, I have not thought 
proper to take any step in it. before ascertaining that my 
opinion of its expediency will concur with that of both 
branches of the Legislature : First, by the decision of the 
Senate upon the nominations to be laid before them; 
and, secondly, by the sanction of both houses to the ap- 
propriations, without which it can not be carried into 
effect. 

A report from the Secretary of State, and copies of the 
correspondence with the South American Governments 
on this subject, since the invitation given by them, are 



21 

herewith transmitted to the Senate. They will disclose 
the objects of importance which are expected to form a 
subject of discussion at this meeting, in which interests of 
high importance to this Union are involved. It will be 
seen that the United States neither intend nor are expected 
to take part in any deliberations of a belligerent character ; 
that the motive of their attendance is neither to contract 
alliances nor to engage in any undertaking or project im- 
porting hostility to any other nation. 

But the South American nations, in the infancy of their 
independence, often find themselves in positions with 
reference to other countries, with the principles applicable 
to which, derivable from the state of independence itself, 
they have not been familiarized by experience. The re- 
sult of this has been, that sometimes in their intercourse 
with the United States they have manifested dispositions 
to reserve a right of granting special favors and privileges 
to the Spanish nation as the price of their recognition; at 
others, they have actually established duties and imposi- 
tions operating unfavorably to the United States, to the 
advantage of European powers; and sometimes .they have 
appeared to consider that they might interchange among 
themselves mutual concessions of exclusive favor, to which 
neither European powers nor the United States should 
be admitted. In most of these cases their regulations 
unfavorable to us have yielded to friendly expostulation 
and remonstrance; but it is believed to be of infinite 
moment that the principles of a liberal commercial inter- 
course should be exhibited to them, and urged with dis- 
interested and friendly persuasion i;pon them, when all 
assembled for the avowed purpose of consulting together 
upon the establishment of such principles as may have an 
important bearing upon their future welfare. 

The consentaneous adoption of principles of maritime 
neutrality, and favorable to the navigation of peace and 
commerce in time of war, will also form a subject of con- 
sideration to this Congress. The doctrine that free ships 
make free goods, and the restrictions of reason upon the 
extent of blockades, may be established by general agree- 
ment, with far more ease and perhaps with less danger, 



22 

by the general engagement to adhere to them, concerted 
at such a meeting, than by partial treaties or conventions 
with each of the nations separately. An agreement be- 
tween all the parties represented at the meeting that each 
will guard by its own means against the establishment of 
any future European colony within its borders may be 
found advisable. This was more than two years since an- 
nounced by my predecessor to the world as a principle 
resulting from the emancipation of both the American 
continents. It may be so developed to the new southern 
nations that they will all feel it as an essential appendage 
to their independence. 

There is yet another subject upon which, without enter- 
ing into any treaty, the moral influence of the United 
States may, perhaps, be exerted with beneficial conse- 
quences at such a meeting — the advancement of religious 
liberty. Some of the southern nations are even yet so 
far under the dominion of prejudice that they have incorpo- 
rated with their political constitutions an exclusive church, 
without toleration of any other than the dominant sect. 
The abandonment of this last badge of religious bigotry and 
oppression may be pressed more effectually, by the united 
exertions of those who concur in the principles of freedom 
of conscience, upon those who are yet to be convinced of 
their justice and wisdom than by the solitary efforts of a 
minister to any one of the separate Governments. 

The indirect influence which the United States may ex- 
ercise upon any projects or purposes originating in the 
war in which the southern Republics are still engaged, 
which might seriously affect the interests of this Union, 
and the good offices by which the United States may ulti- 
mately contribute to bring that war to a speedier termina- 
tion, though among the motives which have convinced me 
of the propriety of complying with this invitation, are so 
far contingent and eventual that it would be improper to 
dwell upon them more at large. 

In fine, a decisive inducement with me for acceding to 
the measure is to show, by this token of respect to the 
southern Republics, the interest that we take in their wel- 
fare and our disposition to comply with their wishes. 



23 

Having been the first to recognize their independence and 
sympathize with them so far as was compatible with our 
neutral duties in all their struggles and sufferings to ac- 
quire it, we have laid the foundation of our future inter- 
course with them in the broadest principles of reciprocity 
and the most cordial feelings of fraternal friendship. To 
extend those principles to all our commercial relations 
with them, and to hand down that friendship to future 
ages, is congenial to the highest policy of the Union, as it 
will be to that of all those nations and their posterity. In 
the confidence that these sentiments will meet the appro- 
bation of the Senate, I nominate Richard C. Anderson, of 
Kentucky, and John Sergeant, of Pennsylvania, to lie en- 
voys extraordinary and ministers plenipotentiary to the 
assembly of American nations at Panama, and William 
B. Rochester, of New York, to be secretary to the mission. 

John Quincy Adams. 



Letter of Mr. Clay. 

Department op State, 
Washington, December 20, 1825. 
The President op the United States : 

Sir: Agreeably to your directions, that a statement should 
be presented to you of what passed in the Department of 
State with the ministers of the Republics of Columbia, 
Mexico, and Central America, in respect to the invitation 
to the United States to be represented in the Congress at 
Panama, I have the honor now to report : 

That, during the last spring I held separate conferences 
on the same day with the respective ministers of Mexico 
and Colombia at their request, in the course of which each 
of them verbally stated that his Government was desirous 
that the United States should be represented at the pro- 
posed Congress, and that he was instructed to communicate 
an invitation to their Government to send representatives 
to it. But that as his Government did not know whether 
it would or would not be agreeable to the United States 
to receive such an invitation, and as he did not wish to oc- 



24 

casion any embarrassment, lie was charged informally to 
inquire, previous to the delivery of the invitation, whether 
it would be accepted if given by both of the Republics of 
Mexico and Colombia. It was also stated by each of those 
ministers that his Government did not expect that the 
United States would change their present neutral policy, 
nor was it desired that they should take part in such of 
the deliberations of the proposed Congress as might relate 
to the prosecution of the present war. 

Having laid before you what transpired at these confer- 
ences, I received, about a week after they had been held, 
your direction to inform the ministers of Mexico and Co- 
lombia, and I accordingly did inform them, that their com- 
munication was received with due sensibility to the 
friendly consideration of the United States by which it had 
been dictated ; that, of course, they could not make them- 
selves a party to the existing war with Spain, nor to coun- 
cils for deliberating on the means of its further prosecu- 
tion ; that the President believed such a Congress as was 
proposed might be highly useful in settling several im- 
portant disputed questions of public law, and in arranging 
other matters of deep interest to the American continent, 
and strengthening the friendship and amicable intercourse 
between the American powers ; that before such a Con- 
gress, however, assembled it appeared to him to be ex- 
pedient to adjust, between the different powers to be rep- 
resented, several preliminary points, such as the subjects 
to which the attention of the Congress was to be directed, 
the nature and the form of the powers to be given to the 
diplomatic agents who were to compose it. and the mode 
of its organization and action. If these preliminary points 
could be arranged in a manner satisfactory to the United 
States, the ministers from Colombia and Mexico were in- 
formed that the President thought the United States ought 
to be represented at Panama. Each of these ministers 
undertook to transmit to his Government the answer 
which was thus given. 

In this posture the affair remained until the letters were 
received which accompany this report, from the ministers 
of the Republics of Mexico and Colombia, under date of 



25 

the 3d and 2d of November last. To both of those letters 
the same answer was returned, in official notes, a copy of 
one of which is with this report. 

The first and only communication from the minister of 
the Republic of Central America to this Department, in 
regard to the Congress at Panama, is contained in his of- 
ficial note, a copy of which, together with a copy of the 
answer which was returned by your directions, will lie 
found along with this report. 

I have the honor to be, with great respect, your obedient 
servant, 

H. Clay. 



Tlie Mexican Minister i<> Mr. Clay. 

[Translation.] 

Legation of the United States of Mexico, 

Washington. November •'!. 1825. 
Hon. Henry Clay, 

Secretary of State : 

The underwritten minister plenipotentiary has the honor 
of informing the honorable Secretary of State that he has 
communicated to his Government the conversations which 
occurred between them on his making known to him the 
determination of the Grovernments of Colombia and Mex- 
ico to form a congress of representatives from the new 
States of the continent, who, to that end, had been invited. 
in which were to be discussed subjects of general interest 
to all the American powers, as well as those which might 
be particularly suggested by the existence and actual posi- 
tion of the new powers ; and in the meeting of which it was 
thought proper by the Government of the subscriber that 
the United States of America, by means of their commis- 
sioners, should constitute and take part, as being so much 
interested in the first anil principal subject upon which the 
congress would be engaged. 

In consequence of which, being informed of the concur- 
rence of this Government in the idea of discussing the 
first point in a congress, as was desired, and that it would 



2fi 

send representatives to it under condition that the neutral- 
ity in which it stood towards Spain should not be violated, 
and that it should be invited thereto by the Republics of 
Mexico and Colombia, who should, moreover, signify the 
affairs with which it was to be occupied, to promote its 
object, and the necessary uniformity of credentials or 
authorization of the respective representatives, the Presi- 
dent of the United States of Mexico has charged and com- 
missioned anew the underwritten to make the invitation 
and to point out the affairs as stated. 

The Government of the subscriber never supposed nor 
desired that the United States of America would take part 
in the congress about to be held, in other matters than 
those which, from their nature and importance, the late 
administration pointed out and characterized as being of 
general interest to the continent; for which reason, one of 
the subjects which will occupy the attention of the con- 
gress will be the resistance or opposition to the interfer- 
ence of any neutral nation in the question and war of 
independence between the new powers of the continent 
and Spain. 

The Government of the undersigned apprehends that, 
as the powers of America are of accord as to resistance, it 
behooves them to discuss the means of giving to that resist- 
ance all possible force, that the evil may be met, if it can 
not be avoided ; and the only means of accomplishing this 
object is by a previous concert as to the mode in which 
each of them shall lend its co-operation ; for, otherwise, 
resistance would operate but partially, and in a manner 
much less certain and effective. 

The opposition to colonization in America by the Euro- 
pean powers will be another of the questions which may 
be discussed, and which is in like predicament with the 
foregoing. 

After these two principal subjects the representatives 
of the United States of America may be occupied upon 
others to which the existence of the new States may give 
rise, and which it is not easy to point out or enumerate, 
for which the Government of the United States of Mexico 
will give instructions and ample powers to its commis- 



27 

siouers, and it trusts that those from the other powers 
may bear the same. 

The congress is to be assembled in Panama, at which 
city the representatives from Colombia, Peru, Guatemala, 
and Mexico will already have arrived at the date of this; 
they will be engaged upon the preliminary rules of the 
assembly, and likewise upon questions which belong ex- 
clusively to the belligerents. 

The United States of America may send their represent- 
atives to that city to take part in those questions which 
long since they were the first in declaring to the world, 
as of transcendant importance to the interests of all Amer- 
ica, and in others to which the formation of the new States 
will give rise, the concurrence in which will, moreover, 
accomplish the object so much desired by their respective 
Governments of manifesting, by deeds, the disposition and 
facility which the powers of this continent possess to act 
in concert in the common cause. 

To which end, and in compliance with the tenor of the 
conversations held with the honorable Secretary of State, 
the underwritten minister plenipotentiary invites this Gov- 
ernment to send representatives to the congress of Pan- 
ama, with authorities as aforesaid, and with express in- 
structions in their credentials upon the two principal 
questions, in which step he is likewise joined by the min- 
ister of Colombia, and with which he trusts he has ful- 
filled all that was stipulated to this end. 

The subscriber has the honor on this occasion to pre- 
sent to the honorable Secretary of State his respects and 
highest consideration. 

Pablo Obregon. 



Tlie Colombian Minister to Mr. Clay. 

[Translation.] 

Legation of Colombia, 
Near the United States of North America, 

Washington, November 2, 1825. 
The undersigned has the honor to communicate to the 
Hon. Henry Clay, for the information of his Government 
and the attainment of the objects proposed, that the 



2R 

assembly of American plenipotentiaries, in relation to 
which the minister to Mexico and the undersigned have 
held some verbal conferences with the Secretary of State, 
at their previous request, will shortly be organized. The 
plenipotentiaries from Peru are already at the Isthmus 
of Panama, the place appointed for the Congress, and 
those from Colombia and other American Republics are 
on their way to this assembly, which they have provided 
for by public treaties. 

The honorable Secretary having intimated, in the name 
of his Government, that the United States, if formally in- 
vited by Mexico and Colombia, and apprised of the sub- 
jects to be discussed, would on their part appoint a person 
to represent them, if these subjects should be approved 
by the United States, the undersigned is accordingly au- 
thorized by his Government to address this invitation 
which he now makes by this note, in all due form. He is 
also assured that the minister from Mexico will present 
the same invitation on the part of his Government, and 
the minister from Guatemala has just received similar 
instructions from his Government. 

Of the points which will be under discussion by the 
assembly of Panama the undersigned is unable to give 
a minute enumeration, as they will evidently arise out of 
the deliberations of the Congress. He is, however, au- 
thorized by his government to assure the United States 
that these points have no tendency to violate their pro- 
fessed principles of neutrality. The undersigned has also 
been instructed to suggest some subjects that will form 
useful matter of discussion in the Congress. 

These subjects constitute two classes : 

(1) Matters peculiarly and exclusively concerning the 
belligerents. 

(2) Matters between the belligerents and neutrals. 

As the United States will not take part in the discussion 
of subjects of the first description, we will confine our- 
selves to the latter. 

At Panama the best and most opportune occasion is 
offered to the United States to fix some principles of inter- 
national law, the unsettled state of which has caused 



29 

much evil to humanity. It is to be presumed that this 
Government possesses more light upon the subject than 
the other States of our hemisphere, both from its experi- 
ence during the wars that succeeded the French Revolu- 
tion and from its negotiations now on foot with Great 
Britain and other nations relative to these principles. It 
belongs to each of the concurring parties to propose their 
views, but the voice of the United States will be heard 
with the respect and deference which its early labors in a 
work of such importance will merit. 

The manner in which all colonization of European 
powers on the American continent shall lie resisted and 
their interference in the present contest between Spain 
and her former colonies prevented are other points of 
threat interest. Were it proper an eventual alliance, in 
case these events should occur, is within the range of 
possibilities, and a treaty, of which no useshould be made 
as long as the casus foederis should happen to remain 
secret; or. if this should seem premature, a convention so 
anticipated would be a proper means to secure the same 
end of preventing foreign influence. This is a- matter of 
immediate utility to the American States that are at war 
with Spain, anil is in accordance with the repeated decla- 
rations ami protests of the Cabinet at Washington. The 
conferences held on this subject being confidential would 
increase mutual, friendship and promote the respective 
interests of the parties. 

The consideration of the means to be adopted for the 
entire abolition of the African slave trade is a subject 
sacred to humanity and interesting to the policy of the 
American States. To effect it their energetic, general, 
and uniform co-opera t ii in is desirable. At the proposition 
of the United States, Colombia made a convention with 
them on this subject, which has not been ratified by the 
Government of the United States. Would that America, 
which does not consider politic what is unjust, would con- 
tribute in union and with common consent to the good 
of Africa. 

The inhabitants of this portion of the globe have suc- 
ceeded in founding an independent Republic, whose gov- 



30 

ernment Is now recognized by its ancient sovereign. On 
what basis the relations of Hayti and other parts of our 
hemisphere that shall hereafter be in like circumstances 
are to be placed, is a question simple at first view, but at- 
tended with serious difficulties when closely examined. 
These arise from the different manner of regarding 
Africans and from their different rights in Hayti, the 
United States, and in other American States. This ques- 
tion will be determined at the Isthmus, and, if possible, a 
uniform rule of conduct adopted in regard to it, or those 
modifications that may be demanded by circumstances. 

The undersigned merely makes these siiggestions by way 
of example ; it is left to the wisdom of the Governments 
and the judgment of their representatives to propose 
whatever may be esteemed of common good to the new 
hemisphere. Inviting the United States, in the name of 
Colombia, to a Congress, the mere assembling of which 
will increase the political importance of America and 
show the facility with which she can combine her re- 
sources in defense of common rights when necessary, the 
undersigned hopes that the United States will make an 
early appointment of a person or persons to represent 
them in this assembly, as the conditions that were re- 
quired have been fulfilled. 

The undersigned has the honor to offer to the Honor- 
able Henry Clay his most distinguished consideration. 

Jose Maria Salazar. 



Mr. Clay to the Mexican Minister. 

Department op State, 
Washington, November 30, 1825. 

Sir : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of 
your official note of the 3d instant, communicating a 
formal invitation from the Government of the United 
States of Mexico to that of the United States to send 
deputies to the contemplated congress of Panama; and 
particularizing several subjects, which your Government 
conceives may be proper for the consideration of that con- 



31 

gress; and I have laid your note before the President of 
the United States. 

When, at yoiir instance, during the last spring, I had 
the honor of receiving you at the Department of State 
and conferring with you verbally in regard to the pro- 
posed congress, and to the friendly wish entertained by 
your Government that ours should be represented at it, 
I stated to you, by direction of the President, that it 
appeared to him to be necessary, before the assembling of 
such a congress, to settle, between the different powers to 
be represented, several preliminary points, such as the 
subjects to which the attention of the congress should be 
directed, the substance and the form of the powers to be 
given to the respective representatives, and the mode of 
organizing the congress ; and that, if these points should 
be satisfactorily arranged, the President would be dis- 
posed to accept, in behalf of the United States, the invita- 
tion with which you were provisionally charged. 

In your note there is not recognized so exact a compli- 
ance with the conditions on which the President expressed 
his unwillingness that the United States should be repre- 
sented at Panama as could have been desired. It would 
have been, perhaps, better if there had been a full under- 
standing between all the American powers who may as- 
semble by their representatives, of the precise questions 
on which they are to deliberate; and that some other mat- 
ters respecting the powers of the deputies and the organ- 
ization of the Congress should have been distinctly ar- 
ranged prior to the opening of its deliberations. But as 
the want of the adjustment of these preliminaries, if it 
should occasion any inconvenience, could be only produc- 
tive of some delay, the President has determined at once to 
manifest the sensibility of the United States to whatever 
concerns the prosperity of the American hemisphere and 
to the friendly motives which have actuated your Govern- 
ment in transmitting what you have communicated. He 
has therefore resolved, should the Senate of the United 
States, now expected to assemble in a few days, give their 
advice and consent, to send commissioners to the Congress 
at Panama. Whilst they will not be authorized to enter 



32 

upon any deliberations, or to concur in any acts inconsist- 
ent with the present neutral position of the United States 
and its obligations, they will be fully empowered and in- 
structed upon all questions likely to arise in the Congress 
on subjects in which the nations of America have a com- 
mon interest. All unnecessary delay will be avoided in 
the departure of these commissioners from the United 
States for the point of their destination. 

I avail myself of the occasion to offer you assurances of 
my distinguished consideration. 

J H. Clay. 

Don Pablo Obregon, 

Envoy Extraordinary and 

Minister Plenipotentiary from Mexico. 

(A similar letter was sent to Mr. Salazar the Colombian 
minister.) 

The Minister from Central America to Mr. Clay. 

[Translation.] 

Washington, November 14, 1825. 

The Secretary of State: 

The Government of Central America, which I have the 
honor to represent, as early as the year 1821 was sensible 
of the importance to the independent nations of this con- 
tinent of a general congress of their representatives at 
some central point, which might consider upon and adopt 
the best plan for defending the States of the New World 
from foreign aggression, and, by treaties of alliance, com- 
merce, and friendship, raise them to that elevation of wealth 
and power which from their resources they may attain. 
It also acknowledged that as Europe had formed a conti- 
nental system, and held a congress whenever questions 
affecting its interests were to be discussed, America should 
form a system of itself, and assemble, by its representa- 
tives, in cortes whenever circumstances of necessity and 
great importance should demand it. 

Entertaining these views, the Government of Central 
America voluntarily expressed its willingness to appoint 
its deputies for such an object. Sensible of its importance, 



33 

which has also been felt- by the Governments of South 
America, it has resolved to send plenipotentiaries to a 
general congress, to be formed for the purpose of pre- 
serving the territorial integrity and firmly establishing 
the absolute independence of each of the American Re- 
publics. On the 19th of March last the Government of 
Central America formed a convention with that of Colom- 
bia, providing for this object; and I, as its representative, 
have been instructed to express to the Government of the 
United States the desire entertained by my government, 
that it should send a representative to the general con- 
gress. 

To fulfill the wishes of my government, and convinced 
at the same time of the importance and respectability 
which would attach to the general congress of the Ameri- 
can Republics from the presence of envoys from the 
United States of America, I now address this high Gov- 
ernment upon the subject in the name of Central America. 
I am anxious, therefore, to know if this republic, which 
has ever shown itself the generous friend of the new 
American States, is disposed to send its envoys to the gen- 
eral congress, the object of which is to preserve and con- 
firm the absolute independence of these republics and to 
promote the general good, and which tvill not requirt that 
the representatives of the United States should in the bust 
compromise tin ir present neutrality, harmony, mid good 
fellowship with other nations. This my government has 
deemed it necessary to state distinctly in making the pres- 
ent invitation. 

Be pleased, sir, to accept expressions of the high con- 
sideration with which 

I am, respectfully, your obedient servant, 

Antonio Jose Canaz. 



Mr. Clay to the Minister from Central Ann rica. 

Department of State, 
Washington, November 30, 1825. 
Sir : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of 
your official note of the 14th instant, communicating an 
invitation from the Government of the Federation of the 

3PA 



34 

Center of America to that of the United States to the 
contemplated congress at Panama. Having laid it before 
the President, I am instructed by him to say, that the 
United States, always feeling the deepest interest in what- 
ever concerns the prosperity of the American hemisphere, 
and receiving, with great sensibility, this new proof of the 
friendly esteem of the Government of the Central Repub- 
lic, will be represented at that congress, if the Senate of 
the United States should so advise and consent. That 
body will assemble in the course of a few days, and, if it 
concur with the President, commissioners from the United 
States will be deputed to Panama without any unneces- 
sary delay. These commissioners will be empowered and 
instructed upon all questions which may appear to this 
Government to be likely to arise in the congress, on sub- 
jects on which the nations of America may be supposed 
to have a common interest. 

I avail myself of the occasion to offer you, sir, assur- 
ances of my distinguished consideration. 

H. Clay. 

Don Antonio Jose Canaz, 

Envoy Extraordinary and Minister 

Plenipotentiary from Central America. 



Reply of President Adams to a Resolution of Inquiry from 
the House of Representatives. 

[Message from the President of the United States, transmitting the information re- 
quired by a resolution of the House of Representatives of March 5, 1826.] 

Washington, March 15, 1826. 
To the House of Representatives of the United States: 

In compliance with the resolution of the .House of the 
5th ultimo, requesting me to cause to be laid before the 
House so much of the correspondence between the Govern- 
ment of the United States and the new States of America 
or their ministers respecting the proposed congress or 
meeting of diplomatic agents at Panama, and such infor- 
mation respecting the general character of that expected 
congress as may be in my possession and as may, in my 



35 

opinion, be communicated without prejudice to the public 
interest; and, also, to inform the House, so far as, in my 
opinion, the public interest may allow, in regard to what 
objects the agents of the United States are expected to 
take part in the deliberations of that Congress, I now 
transmit to the House a report from the Secretary of State, 
with the correspondence and information requested by the 
resolution. 

With regard to the objects in which the agents of the 
United States are expected to take part in the delibera- 
tions of that congress, I deem it proper to premise that 
these objects did not form the only, nor even the principal, 
motive for my acceptance of the invitation. My first and 
greatest inducement was to meet, in the spirit of kindness 
and friendship, an overture made in that spirit by three 
sister Republics of this hemisphere. 

The great revolution in human affairs which has brought 
into existence, nearly at the same time, eight sovereign 
and independent nations in our own quarter of the globe, 
has placed the United States in a situation not less novel 
and scarcely less interesting than that in which they had 
found themselves, by their own transition, from a cluster 
of colonics to a nation of sovereign States. The deliver- 
ance of the Southern American Republics from the oppres- 
sion under which they had been so long afflicted was hailed 
with great unanimity by the people of this Union as 
among the most auspicious events of the age. On the 4th 
of May, 1822, an act of Congress made an appropriation of 
$100,000 " for such missions to the independent nations on 
the American continent as the President of the United 
States might deem proper." 

In exercising the authority recognized by this act my 
predecessor, by and with the advice and consent of the 
Senate appointed, successively, ministers plenipotentiary 
to the Republics of Colombia, Buenos Ayres, Chili, and 
Mexico. Unwilling to raise among the fraternity of free- 
dom questions of precedency and etiquette which even 
the European monarchs had of late found it necessary in 
a great measure to discard, he dispatched these ministers 
to Colombia, Buenos Ayres, and Chili without exacting 



36 

from those Republics, as by the ancient principles of polit- 
ical primogeniture be might have clone, that the compli- 
ment of a plenipotentiary mission should have been paid 
first by them to the United States. 

The instructions prepared, under his direction, to Mr. 
Anderson, the first of our ministers to the Southern Con- 
tinent, contain, at much length, the general principles 
upon which he thought it desirable that our relations, polit- 
ical and commercial, with these, our new neighbors, should 
be established, for their benefit and ours, and that of the 
future ages of our posterity. A copy of so much of these 
instructions as relates to these general subjects is among 
the papers nowtransmitted to the House. Similar instruc- 
tions were furnished to the ministers appointed to Buenos 
Ayres. Chili, and Mexico ; and the system of social inter- 
course which it was the purpose of those missions to estab- 
lish, from the first opening of our diplomatic relations with 
those rising nations, is the most effective exposition of the 
principles upon which the invitation to the congress at 
Panama has been accepted by me, as well as of the objects 
of negotiation at that meeting, in which it was expected 
that our plenipotentiaries should take part. 

The House will perceive that, even at the date of these 
instructions, the first treaties between some of the south- 
ern republics had been concluded, by which they had stip- 
ulated among themselves this diplomatic assembly at 
Panama ; and it will be seen with what caution, so far as 
it might concern the policy of the United States, and, at 
the same time, with what frankness and good will towards 
those nations, he gave countenance to their design of invit- 
ing the United States to this high assembly for consulta- 
tion upon American interests. 

It was not considered a conclusive reason for declining 
this invitation that the proposal for assembling such a con- 
gress had not first been made by ourselves. It had sprung 
from the urgent, immediate, and momentous common in- 
terests of the great communities struggling for independ- 
ence, and, as it were, quickening into life. Prom them the 
proposition to us appeared respectful and friendly ; from 
us to them it could scarcely have been made without ex- 



37 

posing ourselves to suspicions of purposes of ambition, 
if not of domination, more suited to rouse resistance 
and excite distrust than to conciliate favor and friend- 
ship. The first and paramount principle upon which it 
was deemed wise and just to lay the corner-stone of all our 
future relations with them was disinterestedness ; the next 
was cordial good-will to them ; the third was a claim of 
fair and equal reciprocity. Under these impressions, when 
the invitation was formally and earnestly given, had it 
even been doubtful whether any of the objects projuosed 
for consideration and discussion at the congress were such 
as that immediate and important interests of the United 
States would be affected by the issue, I should, neverthe- 
less, have determined, so far as it depended upon me, to 
have accepted the invitation and to have appointed min- 
isters to attend the meeting. The proposal itself implied 
that the republics by whom it was made believed that 
important interests of ours, or of theirs, rendered our at- 
tendence there desirable. They had given us notice that, 
in the novelty of their situation, and in the spirit of defer- 
ence to our experience, they would be pleased to have the 
benefit of our friendly counsel. 

To meet the temper with which this proposal was made 
with a cold repulse was not thought congenial to that warm 
interest in their welfare with which the people and Gov- 
ernment of the Union had hitherto gone hand in hand 
through the whole progress of their revolution. To insult 
them by a refusal of their overture and then invite them 
to a similar assembly to be called by themselves was an 
expedient which never presented itself to the mind. I 
would have sent ministers to the meeting had it been 
merely to give them such advice as they might have de- 
sired, even with reference to their own interests, not in- 
volving ours. I would have sent them had it been merely 
to explain and set forth tc > them our reasons for declining 
any proposal of specific measures to which they might de- 
sire our concurrence, but which we might deem incompat- 
ible with our interests or our duties. In the intercourse 
between nations temper is a missionary, perhaps, more 
powerful than talent. Nothing was ever lost by kind 



38 

treatment. Nothing can be gained by sullen repulses and 
aspiring pretensions. 

But objects of the highest importance, not only to the 
future welfare of the whole human race, but bearing di- 
rectly upon the special interests of this Union will engage 
the deliberations of the congress of Panama whether we 
are represented there or not. Others, if we are repre- 
sented, may be offered by our plenipotentiaries for consid- 
eration having in view both these great results— our own 
interests and the improvement of the condition of man 
upon earth. It may be that in the lapse of many centu- 
ries no other opportunity so favorable will be presented to 
the Government of the United States to subserve the 
benevolent purposes of Divine Providence to dispense the 
promised blessings of the Redeemer of mankind ; to pro- 
mote the prevalence in future ages of peace on earth and 
good will to man, as will now be placed in their power by 
participating in the deliberations of this congress. 

Among the topics enumerated in official papers, pub- 
lished by the Republic of Colombia, and adverted to in 
the correspondence now communicated to the House as in- 
tended to be presented for discussion at Panama, there is 
scarcely one in which the result of the meeting will not 
deeply affect the interests of the United States. Even 
those in which the belligerent States alone will take an active 
part will have a powerful effect uj)on the state of our re- 
lations with the American and probably with the princi- 
pal European States. Were it merely that we might be 
correctly and speedily informed of the proceedings of the 
congress, and of the progress and issue of their negotia- 
tions, I should hold it advisable that we should have an 
accredited agency with them, placed in such confidential 
relations with the other members as would insure the au- 
thenticity and the safe and early transmission of its reports. 
Of the same enumerating topics are the preparation of a 
manifesto setting forth to the world the justice of their 
cause and the relations they desire to hold with other 
Christian powers, and to form a convention of navigation 
and commerce applicable both to the Confederated States 
and to their allies. 



39 

It will Be within the recollection of the House that im- 
mediately after the close of the war of our Independence 
a measure closely analogous to this congress of Panama 
was adopted by the congress of our confederation and for 
purposes of precisely the same character. Three commis- 
sioners with plenipotentiary powers were appointed to 
negotiate treaties of amity, navigation, and commerce 
with all the principal powers of Europe. They met and 
resided for that purpose about one year at Paris, and the only 
result of their negotiations at that time was the first treaty 
between the United States and Prussia, memorable in the 
diplomatic annals of the world and precious as a monu- 
ment of the principles in relation to commerce and mari- 
time warfare, with which our country entered upon her 
career as a member of the great family of independent 
nations. 

This treaty, prepared in conformity with the instructions 
of the American plenipotentiaries, consecrated three fun- 
damental principles of the foreign intercourse which the 
congress at that period were desirous of establishing: 
First, equal reciprocity and the mutual stipulation of the 
privileges of the most favored nation in the commercial 
exchanges of peace; secondly, the abolition of private war 
upon the ocean; and, thirdly, restrictions favorable to neu- 
tral commerce upon belligerent practices with regard to 
contraband of war and blockades. A painful, it may be 
said a calamitous, experience of mi »re than forty years has 
demonstrated the deep importance of these same princi- 
ples to the peace and prosperity of this nation, and to the 
welfare of all maritime States, and has illustrated the pro- 
found wisdom with which they were assumed as cardinal 
points of the policy of the Union. 

At the same time, in the infancy of their political exist- 
ence under the influence of those principles of liberty and 
of right, so congenial to the cause in which they had just 
fought and triumphed, they were able but to obtain the 
sanction of one great and philosophical, though absolute, 
sovereign in Europe to their liberal and enlightened 
principles. They could obtain no more. Since then a 
political hurricane has gone over three-fourths of the 



40 

civilized portions of the earth, the desolation of which, it 
may with confidence he expected, is passing away, leaving, 
at least, the American atmosphere purified and refreshed. 
And now, at this propitious moment, the new-horn nations 
of this hemisphere, assemhling hy their representatives at 
the isthmus between its two continents, to settle the prin- 
ciples of their future international intercourse with other 
nations and with us, ask, in this great exigency, for our 
advice upon those very fundamental maxims, which we, 
from our cradle, at first proclaimed and partially suc- 
ceeded to introduce into the code of national law. 

Without recurring to that total prostration of all neu- 
tral and commercial rights which marked the progress of 
the late European wars, and which finally involved the 
United States in them, and adverting only to our political 
relations with these American nations, it is observable 
that, while in all other respects those relations have been 
uniformly and, without exception, of the most friendly 
and mutually satisfactory character, the only causes of 
difference and dissension between us and them which ever 
have arisen originated in those never-failing fountains of 
discord and irritation, discriminations of commercial 
favor to other nations, licentious privateers, and paper 
blockades. I can not, without doing injustice to the Re- 
publics of Buenos Ayres and Colombia, forbear to 
acknowledge the candid and conciliatory spirit with which 
they have repeatedly yielded to our friendly representa- 
tives and remonstrances on these subjects ; in repealing 
discriminative laws which operated to our disadvantage, 
and in revoking the commissions of their privateers ; to 
which Colombia has added the magnanimity of making- 
reparation for unlawful captures by some of her cruisers. 
and of assenting, in the midst of war, to treaty stipulations 
favorable to neutral navigation. But the recurrence of 
these occasions of complaint has rendered the renewal of 
the discussions which result in the removal of them neces- 
sary, while, in the meantime, injuries are sustained by mer- 
chants and other individuals of the United States, which 
can not be repaired, and the remedy lingers in overtaking 
the pernicious operation of the mischief. The settlement 



41 

of general principles pervading with equal efficacy all the 
American States can alone put an end to these evils, and 
can alone be accomplished at the proposed assembly. 

If it be true that the noblest treaty of peace ever men- 
tioned in history is that by which the Carthagenians were 
bound to abolish the practice of sacrificing their own chil- 
dren, because it was stipulated in favor of human nature, 
lean not exaggerate to myself the unfading glory witli 
which these United States will go forth in the memory of 
future ages if. by their friendly counsel, by their moral 
influence, by the power of argument and persuasion alone, 
bhey can prevail upon the American nations at Panama 
to stipulate, by general agreement among themselves ami 
so far as any of them maybe concerned, the perpetual 
abolition of private war upon the ocean. And, if we can 
not yet flatter ourselves that this maybe accomplished, as 
advances towards it. the establishment of the principle 
that the friendly flag shall cover the cargo, the curtail- 
ment of contraband of war and the proscription of fictitious 
paper blockades, engagements which we may reasonably 
hope will not prove impracticable, will, if successfully in- 
culcated, redound proportionally to our honor and drain 
the fountain of many a future sanguinary war. 

The late President of the United States, in his message 
to Congress of the 2d December, l$2o, while announcing 
the negotiation then pending with Russia relating to the 
northwest coasl of this continent, observed that the occa- 
sion of the discussions to which that incident had given 
rise had been taken for asserting as a principle in which 
the rights and interests of the United States were involved, 
that the American continents, by the free and independent 
condition which they had assumed and maintained, were 
thenceforward not to be considered as subjects for future 
colonization by any European power. The principle had 
first been assumed in that negotiation with Russia. It 
rested upon a course of reasoning equally simple and con- 
clusive. 

With the exception of the existing European colonies, 
which it was in no wise intended to disturb, the two conti- 
nents consisted of several sovereign and independent na- 



42 

tions, -whose territories covered their whole surface. By 
this, their independent condition, the United States en- 
joyed the right of commercial intercourse with every part 
of their possessions. To attempt the establishment of a 
colony in those possessions would be to usurp, to the ex- 
clusion of others, a commercial intercourse which was 
the common possession of all. It could not be clone with- 
out encroaching upon existing rights of the United States. 
The Government of Russia has never disputed these posi- 
tions nor manifested the slightest dissatisfaction at their 
having been taken. Most of the new American Repub- 
lics have declared their entire assent to them; and they now 
propose, among the subjects of consultation at Panama, 
to take into consideration the means of making effectual 
the assertion of that principle as well as the means of 
resisting interference from abroad with the domestic con- 
cerns of the American Governments. 

In alluding to these means it would obviously be pre- 
mature at this time to anticipate that which is offered 
merely as matter for consultation, or to pronounce upon 
those measures which have been or may be suggested. 
The purpose of this Government is to concur in none 
which would import hostility to Europe or justly excite 
resentment in any of her States. Should it be deemed 
advisable to contract any conventional engagement on this 
topic our views would extend no further than to a mutual 
pledge of the parties to the compact to maintain the prin- 
ciple in application to its own territory and to permit no 
colonial lodgments or establishment of European jurisdic- 
tion upon its own soil; and, with respect to the obtrusive 
interference from abroad, if its future character may be 
inferred from that which has been and perhaps still is 
exercised in more than one of the new States, a joint dec- 
laration of its character and exposure of it to- the world 
may be probably all that the occasion would require. 

Whether the United States should or should not be 
parties to such a declaration may justly form a part of 
the deliberation. That there is an evil to be remedied 
needs little insight into the secret history of late years to 
know, and that this remedy may best be concerted at the 



43 

Panama meeting deserves at least the experiment of consid- 
eration. A concert of measures, having reference to the 
more effectual abolition of the African slave trade and 
the consideration of the light in which the political con- 
dition of the island of Hayti is to be regarded, are also 
among the subjects mentioned by the minister from the 
Republic of Colombia as believed to be suitable for deliber- 
ation at the Congress. The failure of the negotiations 
with that Republic undertaken during the late admin- 
istration for the suppression of that trade, in compli- 
ance with a resolution of the House of Representatives, 
indicates the expediency of listening, with respectful at- 
tention, to propositions which may contribute to the ac- 
complishment of the great end which was the purpose of 
that resolution, while the result of those negotiations will 
serve as admonition to abstain from pledging this Govern- 
ment to any arrangement which might be expected to fail 
of obtaining the advice and consent of the Senate by a 
constitutional majority to its ratification. 

Whether the political condition of the Island of Hayti 
shall be brought at all into discussion at the meeting may 
be a question for preliminary advisement. There are in 
the political constitution of government of that people 
circumstances which have hitherto forbidden the acknowl- 
edgment of them by the Government of the United States 
as sovereign and independent. Additional reasons for 
withholding that acknowledgment have recently been 
in their acceptance of a nominal sovereignty by the grant 
of a foreign prince, under conditions equivalent to the 
concession by them of exclusive commercial advantages 
to one nation, adapted altogether to the state of colonial 
vassalage, and retaining little of independence but the 
name. 

Our plenipotentiaries will be instructed to present these 
views to the assembly at Panama, and should they not be 
concurred in to decline acceding to any arrangement which 
may be proposed upon different principles. 

The condition of the islands of Cuba and Porto Rico is 
of deeper import and more immediate bearing upon the 
present interests and future prospects of our Union. The 



44 

correspondence herewith transmitted will show how ear- 
nestly it has engaged the attention of this Government. 
The invasion of hoth those islands by the united forces of 
Mexico and Colombia is avowedly among the objects to be 
matured by the belligerent states at Panama. The con- 
vulsions to which, from the peculiar composition of their 
population, they would be liable in the event of such an 
invasion, and the danger therefrom resulting of their fall- 
ing ultimately into the hands of some European power 
other than Spain, will not admit of our looking at the 
consequences to which the congress at Panama may lead 
with indifference. It is unnecessary to enlarge upon this 
topic, or to say more than that all our efforts in reference 
to this interest will be to preserve the existing state of 
things — the tranquillity of the islands and the peace and 
security of their inhabitants. 

And, lastly, the congress of Panama is believed to pre- 
sent a fair occasion for urging upon all the new nations of 
the south the just and liberal principles of religious liberty. 
Not by any interference whatever in their internal con- 
cerns, but by claiming for our citizens, whose occupations 
or interests may call them to occasional residence in their 
territories, the inestimable privilege of worshipping their 
Creator according to the dictates of their own consciences. 
This privilege, sanctioned by the customary law of nations, 
and secured by treaty stipulations in numerous national 
compacts, secured even to our own citizens in the treaties 
with Colombia and with the Federation of Central Amer- 
ica, is yet to be obtained in the other South American 
States and Mexico. Existing prejudices are still strug- 
gling against it, which may perhaps be more successfully 
combated at this general meeting than at the separate 
seats of government of each republic. 

I can scarcely deem it otherwise than superfluous to ob- 
serve that the assembly will be in its nature diplomatic 
and not legislative. That nothing can be transacted 
there obligatory upon any one of the states to be repre- 
sented at the meeting, unless with the express concurrence 
of its own representatives ; nor even then, but subject to 
the ratification of its constitutional authority at home. 



45 

The faith of the United States to foreign powers can not 
i itherwise be pledged. I shall, indeed, in the first instance, 
consider the assembly as merely consultative; and al- 
though the plenipotentiaries of the United States will be 
empowered to receive and refer to the consideration of 
their Government any proposition from the other parties 
to the meeting, they will be authorized to conclude noth- 
ing unless subject to the definitive/ sanction of this Gov- 
ernment in all its constitutional tonus. It has, therefore, 
seemed to nie unnecessary to insist that every object to 
be discussed at the meeting should be specified with the 
precision of a judicial sentence or enumerated with the 
exactness of a mathematical demonstration. The pur- 
pose of the meeting itself is to deliberate upon the great 
and common interests of several new and neighboring 
nations. If the measure is new and without precedent, 
so is the situation of the parties to it. That the purposes 
of the meeting are somewhat indefinite, far from being an 
objection to it, is among the cogent reasons for its adop- 
tion. It is not the establishment of principles of inter- 
course with one, but with seven or eight nations at once. 
That, before they have had the means of exchanging 
ideas and communicating with one another in common 
upon these topics they should have definitely settled and 
arranged them in concert, is to require that the effect 
should precede the cause. It is to exact as a preliminary 
to the meeting that for the accomplishment of which the 
meeting itself is designed. 

Among the inquiries which were thought entitled to 
consideration, before the determination was taken to ac- 
cept the invitation, was that, whether the measure might 
not have a tendency to change the policy, hitherto invaria- 
bly pursued 1 >y the United States, of avoiding all entangling 
alliances, and all unnecessary foreign connections. 

Mindful of the advice given by the Father of our Coun- 
try, in his farewell address, that the great rule of conduct 
for lis in regard to foreign nations is, in extending our 
commercial relations, to have with them as little political 
connection as possible; and. faithfully adhering to the 
spirit of that admonition, I can not overlook the reflection 



46 

that the counsel of Washington, in that instance, like all 
the counsels of wisdom, was founded upon the circum- 
stances in which our country and the world around us 
were situated at the time when it was given. That of 
the reasons assigned by him for his advice were : that 
Europe had a set of primary interests, which to us had 
no, or a very remote, relation. That hence she must be 
engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which 
were essentially foreign to our concerns. That our de- 
tached and distant situation, invited and enabled us to 
pursue a different course. That by our union and rapid 
growth, with an efficient Government, the period was not 
far distant when we might defy material injury from ex- 
ternal annoyance ; when we might take such an attitude 
as would cause our neutrality to be respected ; and, with 
reference to belligerent nations, might choose peace or 
war, as our interests, guided by justice, should counsel. 

Compare our situation and the circumstances of that 
tim with those of the present day, and what from the 
very words of Washington, then, would be his counsels 
to his countrymen now ? Europe has still her set of pri- 
mary interests with which we have little or a remote rela- 
tion. Our distant and detached situation, with reference 
to Europe, remains the same. But we were then the only 
independent nation of this hemisphere : and we were 
surrounded by European colonies, with the greater part 
of which we had no more intercourse than with the in- 
habitants of another planet. Those colonies have now 
been transformed into eight independent nations, extend- 
ing to our very borders ; seven of them Republics like 
ourselves, with whom we have an immensely growing 
commercial, and must have, and have already, important 
policital connections ; with reference to whom our situa- 
tion is neither detached nor distant ; whose political 
principles and systems of government, congenial with 
our own, must and will have an action and counteraction 
upon us and ours, to which we can not be indifferent if we 
would. 

The rapidity of our growth, and the consequent increase 
of our strength, has more than realized the anticipations 



47 

of this admirable political legacy. Thirty years have 
nearly elapsed since it was written, and in the interval 
our population, our wealth, our territorial extension, our 
power, physical and moral, has nearly trebled. Reason- 
ing upon this state of things from the sound and judicious 
principles of Washington, must we not say that the 
period which he predicted as then not far off has arrived ; 
that America has a set of primary interests which have 
none, or a remote relation to Europe ; that the interfer- 
ence of Europe, therefore, in those concerns, should be 
spontaneously withheld by her upon the same principle — 
that we have never interfered with hers ; and that, if she 
should interfere, as she may, by measures which may have 
a great and dangerous recoil upon ourselves, we might be 
called, in defense of otu* own altars and firesides, to take 
an attitude which would cause our neutrality to be re- 
spected, and choose peace or war as our interest, guided 
by justice, should counsel. 

The acceptance of this invitation, therefore, far from 
conflicting with the counsel or the policy of Washington, 
is directly deducible from and conformable to it. Nor is 
it less conformable to the views of my immediate prede- 
cessor, as declared in his annual message to Congress, of 
the 2d December, L823, to which I have already adverted, 
and to an important passage of which I invite the attention 
of the House. 

The citizens of the United States [said he] cherish sentiments the 
most friendly in favor of the liberty and happiness of their fellow-men 
on that [the European] side of the Atlantic. In the wars of the Euro- 
pean powers, in matters relating to themselves, we have never taken 
any part, nor does it comport with our policy so to do. It is only when 
our rights are invaded or seriously menaced that we resent injuries 
or make preparation for our defense. With the movements in this hem- 
isphere we are of necessity more immediately connected, and by causes 
which must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers. The 
political system of the allied powers is essentially different in this re- 
spect from that of America. This difference proceeds from that which 
exists in their respective governments. And to the defense of our own 
which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure 
and matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and 
under which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation 
is devoted. We owe it, therefore, to candor, and to the amicable re- 



48 

lations subsisting between the United States anil those powers, to de- 
clare that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend 
their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our 
peace and safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any 
European power we have not interfered and shall not interfere. 
But with the Governments who have declared their independence, 
and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on great con- 
sideration and on just principles acknowledged, we could not view any 
nterposition, for the purposes of oppressing them, or controlling in any 
other manner their destiny, by any European power, in any other light 
than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition towards the 
United States. In the war between those new Governments and Spain, 
we declared our neutrality at the time of their recognition, and to this 
we have adhered, and shall continue to adhere, provided no change 
shall occur which, in the judgment of the competent authorities of 
this Government, shall make a corresponding change on the part of 
the United States indispensable to their security. 

To the question which may be asked, whether this meet- 
ing and the principles which may be adjusted and settled 
by it, as rules of intercourse between the American na- 
tions, may not give umbrage to the Holy League of Euro- 
pean powers, or offense to Spain, it is deemed a sufficient 
answer that our attendance at Panama can give no just 
cause of umbrage or offense to either, and that the United 
States will stipulate nothing there which can give such 
cause. Here the right of inquiry into our purposes and 
measures must stop. The Holy League of Europe itself 
was formed without inquiring of the United States whether 
it would or would not give umbrage to them. The fear 
of giving umbrage to the Holy League of Europe was 
urged as a motive for denying to the American nations 
the acknowledgment of their independence. That it 
would be viewed by Spain as hostility to her was not only 
urged, but directly declared by herself. The Congress 
and administration of that day consulted their rights and 
duties, and not their fears. Fully determined, to give no 
needless displeasure to any foreign power, the United 
States can estimate the probability of their giving it only 
by the right which any foreign State could have to take 
it from their measures. Neither the representation of the 
United States at Panama nor any measure to which their 
assent may be yielded there will give to the Holy League, 



49 

or any of its members, nor to Spain, the right to take 
i iff wise. For the rest, the United States must still, as hereto- 
fi ire, t ake counsel from their duties, rather than their fears. 

Such are the objects in which it is expected that the 
plenipotentiaries of the United States, when commissioned 
to attend the meeting at the Isthmus, will take part ; and 
such arc the motives and purposes with which the invita- 
tion of the three Republics was accepted. It was, how- 
ever, as the House will perceive from the correspondence, 
accepted only upon condition that the nomination of com- 
missioners for the mission should receive the advice and 
consent of the Senate. 

Tlif concurrence of the House to the measure, by the 
appropriations necessary for carrying it into effect, isalike 
subject to its free determination and indispensable to the 
fulfillment of the intention. 

That the congress at Panama will accomplish all or 
even any of the transcendent benefits to the human race 
which warmed the conceptions of its first proposer, it 
were, perhaps, indulging too sanguine a forecast of events 
to promise. It is, in its nature, a measure speculative and 
expi •rimental. The blessing of Heaven may turn it to the 
account of human improvement. Accidents unforeseen 
and mischances not to be anticipated may haffle all its 
high purposes and disappoint its fairest expectations ; 
but the design is great, is benevolent, is humane. 

It looks to the melioration of the condition of man. It 
is congenial with that spirit which prompted the declara- 
tion of our independence ; which inspired the preamble of 
our first treaty with France ; which dictated our first treaty 
with Prussia, and the instructions under which it was ne- 
gotiated ; which filled the hearts and fired the souls of the 
immortal founders of our revolution. 

With this unrestricted exposition of the motives by 
which I have been governed in this transaction as well as 
of the objects to lie discussed, and of the ends, if possible, 
to lie attained by our representation at the proposed con- 
gress, I submit the propriety of an appropriation to the 
candid consideration and enlightened patriotism of the 
Legislature. John Quincy Adams. 

iPA 



50 

Reply of Mr. Clay to a Resolution of Inquiry from the House 

of Representatives. 

To the President : 

The Secretary of State, to whom the President has re- 
ferred that part of the resolution of the House of Rep- 
resentatives of the 5th instant which requests that he 
would cause to he laid hefore the House "'so much of 
the correspondence hetween the Government of the United 
States and the new States of America or their ministers, 
respecting the proposed congress or meeting of diplo- 
matic agents at Panama, and of such information re- 
specting the general character of that expected congress 
as may be in his possession," has the honor now to 
report : 

That, during the last spring, he held, at the Department 
of State, separate conferences, on the same day, with the 
respective ministers of Colombia and Mexico, in the 
course of which each of them verbally stated that his 
Government was desirous that the United States should 
be represented at the proposed congress, and that he was 
instructed to communicate an invitation to their Govern- 
ment to send representatives to it; but that, as his Gov- 
ernment did not know whether it would be agreeable or 
not to the United States to receive such an invitation, and . 
as it was not wished to occasion any embarrassment to 
them, he Avas charged informally to inquire, previous to 
the delivery of the invitation, whether it would be ac- 
cepted if given by both of the Republics of Mexico and 
Colombia. It was also stated by each of those ministers 
that his Government did not expect that the United States 
would change their present neutral policy, nor was it de- 
sired that they should take part in such of the delibera- 
tions of the proposed congress as might relate-to the pros- 
ecution of the existing war with Spain. 

Having laid before the President what transpired at 
these conferences, his direction was received, about a week 
after they had been held, to inform the ministers of Mexico 
and Colombia, and they were accordingly informed, that 
their communication was received with due sensibility to 



51 

the friendly consideration of the United States by which 

it had been dictated; that, of course, they could not make 
themselves a party to the war between the new States and 
Spain, nor to councils for deliberating on the means of its 
further prosecution ; that the President believed that such 
a congress as was contemplated might be highly useful in 
settling several important disputed questions of public 
law, in arranging other matters of deep interest to the 
American Continent, and in strengthening the friendship 
and amicable intercourse between the American powers - 
that before such a Congress, however, assembled it ap- 
peared to the President to be expedient to adjust between 
the different powers to be represented, several preliminary 
points, such as the subjects to which the attention of the 
congress was to be directed, the nature and the form of 
the powers to be given to the diplomatic agents who were 
to compose it, and the mode of its organization and its 
action. If these preliminary points could be arranged in 
a manner satisfactory to the United States the ministers 
from Colombia and Mexico were informed that the Pres- 
ident thought that the United States ought to be repre- 
sented at Panama. Each of those ministers undertook to 
transmit to his Government the answer which was thus 
given to both. 

In this posture the overture remained until the letters 
were received, which accompany this report, from the 
ministers of the Republics of Mexico and Colombia, under 
date of the 2d and 3d of November, 1825. A similar 
anwer was returned to each of those letters in official 
notes, a copy of one of which is with this report. 

The first and only communication from the minister of 
tin' Republic of Central America to this Department in 
regard to the congress of Panama is contained in his offi- 
cial note, a copy of which, together with a copy of the 
answer which was returned, will be found along with this 
report. 

Copies of conventions containing stipulations respect- 
ing the intended congress are herewith reported between 
the Republic of Colombia and that of Chili, the Republic 
of Colombia and Peru, the Republic of Colombia and the 



52 

Federation of the Centre of America, and the Republic of 
Colombia and the United Mexican States. * 

The Secretary of State has also the honor to report to 
the President extracts from the instructions which were 
given by the Department of State to Mr. Anderson on 
the 37th day of May, 1823, and copies of certain parts of 
the correspondence which, since the last session of Con- 
gress, has taken place between the Executive of the United 
States and the Governments of Russia, France, Spain, 
and Mexico, of which a descriptive list accompanies this 
report. In respect to the negotiation which Mr. Middle- 
ton was authorized, by the dispatch of the 10th of May 
lastf (one of the papers now reported), to institute at St. 
Petersburg, considering the lapse of time and the great 
and lamented event which has lately occurred in Europe, 
perhaps there is no adecpiate reason for refraining from a 
communication of it to the House, which is recommended 
by its intimate connection with the interests of the new 
Republics. About the same period with the date of that 
dispatch instructions were given to Mr. Everett to incul- 
cate on Spain the necessity of peace and to our ministers 
in France and England to invite the cabinets of Paris 
and London to co-operate in the same work. The hope, 
not yet abandoned, was indulged that, by an united exer- 
tion of all the great powers, and especially of Russia, 
Spain might be brought to see her true interests in termi- 
nating the existing war. Other negotiations, growing out 
of and subordinate to that which was authorized in the 
before-mentioned dispatch of the 10th of May to Mr. 
Middleton, have been more recently commenced. They 
have for their object the prevention of disorder in the 
Spanish island of Cuba and Porto Rico and also to guard 
the United States against the danger of bad examples and 

* These conventions communicated to the Senate in a report of the 
Secretary of State, accompanying the President's message to the Sen- 
ate of the 10th of January, 1826, in answer to a resolution of the Sen- 
ate of the 3d of January, 1826. 

fThis letter to Mr. Middleton of the 10th of May, 1825, communi- 
cated, ivith others, to the Senate, at the same time with the conven- 
tions above mentioned. 



53 

excesses, of which, in the course of events, those islands 
might become the theatre, as well as the conservation of 
our commercial and navigating interests. 

All which is respectfully submitted. 

H. Clay. 

Department of State. March 14, 1820. 



Report of the Senate Committei on Foreign Affairs, Janu- 
ary 16, 1826. 

Monday, January 10, 1820. 

Mr. Macon, from the Committee on Foreign Relations. 
to whom was referred, on the 28th of December, the mes- 
sage of the President of the United States nominating 
Richard C. Anderson and John Sergeant to be envoys 
extraordinary and ministers plenipotentiary to the assem- 
bly of the American nations at Panama; and, on the 10th 
instant, the message communicating certain documents 
relating thereto, submitted the following report: 

That they have examined the subject to them referred 
with the most profound attention, and have bestowed upon 
it all the consideration demanded by its novelty, delicacy, 
and high importance to the character and future destinies 
of the United States. In making this examination the 
committee found themselves not a little embarrassed at 
first by the circumstance announced by the President in 
his message to both Houses of Congress at the commence- 
ment of the present session, that he had already accepted 
the invitation given to the United States by some of the 
American Republics to be represented at the contemplated 
Congress of American nations about to be assembled at 
Panama. But seeing in the several communications made 
by the Secretary of State to the different ministers of 
these Republics that an express reference was made to the 
concurrence of the Senate as the indispensable preliminary 
to the acceptance of this invitation, and finding in the 
present message of the President the explicit assurance 
that he had not thought proper to take any step in carry- 
ing this measure into effect until he could ascertain that 
his opinion of its expediency would concur with that of 



54 

both branches of the legislature, the committee believed 
it became a part of the duty they owed to the Senate, and 
would be evidence of the proper respect due to the Presi- 
dent, that they should fully and freely examine into the 
propriety of the proposed measure, the expediency of 
adopting which was the subject that the Senate was thus 
invited to deliberate upon, and to make known their 
opinion. 

Considerations of much higher importance than even 
these induced the committee to adopt this course. In the 
ordinary progress of their proceedings, the Senate can 
rarely if ever find it either necessary or proper to inquire 
as to the objects expected to be obtained by appointments, 
to which their advice and consent is asked. As to all 
offices created by statute in which these objects are de- 
fined and their attainment positively required, the single 
question arising before the Senate must ever refer merely 
to the fitness of the person nominated by the President to 
fulfill such duties. The same will generally be found the 
sole inquiry necessary to be made in filling up vacancies 
happening in pre-existing foreign missions, designed to 
maintain the customary relations and intercourse of friend- 
ship and commerce between the United States and other 
nations. Very different, however, is the case when it is 
proposed to create new offices by nomination, or to dis- 
patch ministers to foreign States for the first time, or to 
accomplish by such missions objects not specially disclosed 
or under circumstances new, peculiar, and highly impor- 
tant. In all these cases, instead of confining their inquir- 
ies to the mere fitness of the persons nominated to fill such 
offices, it is not only the right but the duty of the Senate 
to determine previously as to the necessity and propriety 
of creating the offices themselves ; and in deciding these 
questions not only the objects for the accomplishment by 
which it is proposed to create them, but every other cir- 
cumstance connected with such a measure must necessa- 
rily and unavoidably become a subject of their serious 
examination. 

This right, conferred by the Constitution upon the Senate, 
is the only direct check upon the power possessed by the 



55 

President in this respect, which, relieved from this re- 
straint, would authorize him to create and consummate all 
the political relations of the United States at his mere 
will. " And as in the theory of their Government, the high 
destinies of the people of the United States are never to be 
confided to the unrest rained discretion of any single man. 
even the wisest and best of their fellow-citizens, it becomes 
a solemn duty which the Senate owes to the sovereign 
States here represented, most seriously to investigate all 
the circumstances connected with the novel measure now 
proposed by the President as to the expediency of adopt- 
ing, which they have been invited to aid him with their 
counsel and advice. 

Entertaining these opinions in the performance of the 
duty which they believe has been required by the Senate, 
and anxious to manifest to the President their high respect 
by complying fully with the wish which he has expressed 
upon this subject, the c< unmittee will proceed to investigate 
the circumstances connected with the measure proposed 
and disclosed by the documents to them referred, most 
deeply impressed with the importance of the consequences 
that may very probably result from it. 

By the principles of this policy, inculcated by our 
wisest statesmen in former days and approved by the ex- 
perience of all subsequent time, the true interest of the 
United States was supposed to be promoted by avoiding 
all entangling connections with any other nation whatso- 
ever. Steadily pursuing this course while they have been 
desirous to manifest the most cordial good will to all 
nations, and to maintain with each relations of perfect 
amity and of commerce regulated and adjusted by rules 
of the most fair, equal, and just reciprocity, the United 
States have hitherto sedulously abstained from associating 
themselves in any other way. even with those nations for 
whose welfare the most lively sensibility has been at all 
times felt and otherwise manifested. 

During the conflict for freedom and independence in 
which these new states of America were so long engaged 
with their former sovereign, although every heart in the 
United States beat high in sympathy with them, and fer- 



56 

vent aspirations were hourly put up for their success; 
and although the relations then existing with Spain were 
well calculated to excite strong irritation and resentment 
on our part, yet the Government of the United States, 
convinced of the propriety of a strict adherence to the 
principles it had ever proclaimed as the rule of its conduct 
in relation to other nations, forbore to take any part in 
this struggle, and maintained the most exact neutrality be- 
tween these belligerents. Nor would it ever recognize the 
independence of these new Republics, until they had be- 
come independent in fact, and the situation of their ancient 
sovereign, in relation to them, was such as to manifest 
that he ought no longer to be held responsible for their 
acts. So soon as this occurred the United States most 
gladly embraced the opportunity, and in being the first to 
proclaim the sovereignty and independence of these States, 
gave to them the strongest pledge of respect and cordial 
friendship and sincere anxiety for their prosperity. 

The first question which suggested itself to the Com- 
mittee, at the very threshold of their investigation, was, 
what cogent reasons now existed for adopting this new 
and untried measure so much in conflict with the whole 
course of policy uniformly and happily pursued by the 
United States from almost the very creation of this Gov- 
ernment to the present hour ? 

Since that event ministers have been dispatched to each 
of these new Republics, instructed to declare the sentiments 
sincerely and warmly felt for them by the United States, 
and empowered to conclude treaties with them, the objects 
of which should be to establish, upon principles of the 
most perfect justice and equity, all the ordinary relations 
that exist between nations. Thus much was due, not less 
to them than to ourselves, and in going so far we did all 
that our feelings dictated and the interest of either seemed 
then to require. What necessity has since arisen to d<> 
more? What cause exists now to prompt the United 
States to establish new and stronger relations with them, 
and so to abandon that rule of conduct which has hitherto 
been here so steadily and happily pursued? 

These inquiries necessarily called the attention of the 



committee to a minute examination of all the documents 
to them referred in order that they might therein discover 

the reasons assigned by the new States of America for de- 
siring the United States to be represented at the Congress 
about to be assembled at Panama, and the motives of the 
President for intimating his willingness to accept this in- 
vitation. And in making such an examination many re- 
flections presented themselves as connected with the pro- 
posed measure, all of which the committee will now state 
to the Senate. 

In a government constituted as is that of the United 
States, in which the sentiment so natural to freedom 
prompts them to scrutinize most exactly the extent of all 
the powers they grant, and to limit this extent by the ob- 
jects desired to he accomplished by their exercise, the 
strongest anxiety is (and it is to be hoped always will he) 
felt to learn distinctly what is the precise object desired to 
he attained, and what are the precise means proposed for 
its attainment. Even the confidence reposed in the long- 
tried patriotism and well-proved wisdom of our own besl 
citizens does not and ought not to suffice to quiet this 
anxiety or to remove this jealousy, inspired by an ardent 
attachment to our rights and privileges. It was. therefore, 
nrach to be desired and certainly to have been expected 
that before the destinies of the United States should be 
committed to the deliberation and decision of a Congress 
composed not of our own citizens, hut of the representa- 
tives of many different nations, that the objects of such 
deliberations should be most accurately stated and defined, 
and the manner of their accomplishment clearly and dis- 
tinctly marked out. 

In this opinion the President himself seems to have con- 
curred at the commencement of this negotiation, for in tin 
rep. >rt made t< > him on the 20th of December last by the Sec- 
retary of State this officer states that agreeably tohis direc- 
tions he had informed the ministers by whom the invitation 
to the proposed Congress at Panama was given that — 

Before such a Congress assembled, it appeared to the President to be 
expedient to adjust between the different powers to be represented, 
several pr e li min ary points such as the subjects to which the attention 



58 

of the Congress was to be directed, the nature and the form of the 
powers to be given to the diplomatic agents who were to compose it, 
and the mode of its organization and action. 

And it was made an express and previous condition to 
the acceptance of the invitation proposed to be given, that 
"these preliminary points should he arranged in a manner 
satisfactory to the United States." 

It was, therefore, not without much surprise and great 
regret that the Committee discovered, that, although, in 
none of the communications subsequently made to this 
Government, by either of the ministers of the several 
States by whom this invitation was given, are these pre- 
liminary points even stated, and although the want of "a 
compliance with these conditions," is expressly noticed in 
the reply made to them by the Secretary of State, yet they 
were therein told that the President had determined at once 
to send commissioners to this Congress at Panama, pro- 
vided the Senate would advise and consent to such a mea- 
sure. 

If, then, the Senate should now demand of this Com- 
mittee to inform them what are the objects to be accom- 
plished at this Congress, and what are the means by which 
their accomplishment is to be effected — although, as to 
objects, the documents referred to them will enable the 
committee to name a few — yet, as to all others, they must 
answer in the language of the communication made by 
the Mexican minister, that they are those " to which the 
existence of the new States may give rise, and which it is not 
easy to point out or enumerate." As to the means, how- 
ever, the committee can only reply, that, while it seems to 
be expected that the United States are to clothe their rep- 
resentatives with " ample powers " to accomplish all the 
enumerated, and these other undefined objects also, yet 
the mode in which these powers, if granted, are to be used 
and exercised, is no where even hinted at. 

One great question, therefore, upon which the decision 
of the Senate is called for, will be, whether, in the ex- 
isting state of things, it is wise or expedient that the 
United States should be represented at a Congress of 



59 



American nations by agents endowed with undefined pow- 
ers to accomplish undefined objects? And this commit- 
tee feel no hesitation in stating, as their opinion, that if 
ever ,t may be proper to adopt such a measure, there is 
nothing known to them that requires or justifies it at this 
time. 

It is true the power confided to the Senate to ratify or 
reject any agreement that may be entered into by such 
agents would constitute some safeguard to the important 
interests of the United States. But long experience must 
have informed the Senate that it is generally exceedingly 
difficult, and sometimes even impossible, to escape from 
the embarrassments produced by the mere act of entering 
"'to a negotiation ; and that it is much better to abstain 
trom doing so until its objects are distinctly known and 
approve,!, than to confide in the power of the Senate, in 
the last resort, to refuse their assent to the ratification of 
an agreement after it is adjusted by means of such nego- 
tiation. 

In the present case, if the measures to be accomplished 
by the proposed congress, whatever may be their object 
or character, should not meet the concurring opinion of 
all th, parties there to be represented, we need not the 
lights of history to inform us that many consequences 
mischievous in themselves, and greatly to be deplored 
not only may. but most probably will, result. And that 
a difference of opinion will exist in regard to measures 
so important in themselves, and so various and diversified 
m their effects upon nations differing from each other in 
almost every particular, is much to 1,, apprehended The 
power possessed by the Senate of withholding its assent 
ought not. therefore, to be regarded as furnishing suffi- 
cient assurance against the possibleand probable effects of 
the proposed measure. 

_ Turning from the undefined objects of this congress so 
imperfectly disclosed in the vague description given of 
them, that, it seen at all, they are presented most indis- 
tinctly to their view, and regarding those which are par- 
ticularly mentioned and described with more precision this 
committee have not been able to discover in any one of 



60 

these last a single subject concerning which the United 
States ought to enter into any negotiation with the States 
of America to be assembled at the contemplated Congress 
at Panama. 

Before proceeding to the enumeration of these objects, 
the committee can not refrain from calling the attention 
of the Senate to a singular circumstance disclosed by the 
documents referred to them. Although an enumeration of 
the subjects to which the attention of the proposed con- 
gress was to be directed was explicitly stated as a condi- 
tion preliminary to the acceptance by the United States of 
the invitation given to them to be there represented; al- 
though each of the ministers giving this invitation had 
communicated this to his Government and received its 
instructions relative thereto, yet great diversities will be 
found in the enumeration of these subjects made by each 
of these ministers in pursuance of such instructions. 

And, what is still more remarkable, while many of the 
subjects of intended discussion so enumerated by each of 
these ministers are not referred to in the message of the 
President to the Senate, others are therein stated as mat- 
ters for the deliberation of the proposed congress to which 
not the slightest allusion seems ever to have been made 
by any one of the American ministers in any of their 
communications to this Government ; nay, one of the sub- 
jects (the most important, probably, of any which the 
United States are desirous to discuss at this congress) is 
neither noticed in the communications made to this Gov- 
ernment by any of the American States nor in the mes- 
sage of the President to the Senate, and is to be only 
inferred from the documents last referred to this com- 
mittee, received under the call made by the Senate for 
further information ; all which will be very clearly shown 
by the details which the committee will now lay before 
the Senate. 

The first subject stated by the Mexican minister as one 
which would occupy the attention of the contemplated 
congress, and the. deliberations concerning which the 
United States are expected to take a part, is, ' 'The resist- 
ance or opposition to be made to the interference of any 



61 

neutral nation in the question and war of independence 
between the new powers of this continent and Spain." 
And in the deliberations upon this subject it seems to be 
proposed "to discuss tin- means of giving to that resist- 
ance all possible force." and so to adjust, by previous con- 
cert, the mode which each of the States represented at the 
Congress "shall lend its co-operation." 

The same subject is also stated by the minister of Colom- 
bia, and in terms still more explicit. He suggests as a 
mallei- of useful discussion in the congress, the formation 
of "an eventual alliance" of the States there to be repre- 
sented, for the purpose of preventing any European power 
from interfering in the present contest between Spain and 
her former colonies ; and that the treaty for this purpose 
should ••remain secret, until the casus fozderis should 
happen." 

Notwithstanding this is so stated by both of these min- 
isters as the first and great object of the proposed congress, 
yet the President, in his message, assures the Senate "that 
the motive of the attendance of the United States is neither 
to contract alliances, nor to engage in any undertaking or 
project importing hostility to any other nation.'' It thus 
appears, that, in relation to this first and most important 
point, which seems to have given birth to the scheme of 
this congress, the views and motives of the United States 
differ essentially from those of the' other parties. And 
this difference of opinion, occurring as to the very first 
proposition, which is said to be "a matter of immediate 
utility to the American States that are at war with Spain," 
and is believed by them to "be in accordance with the 
repeated declarations and protests of the Cabinet at Wash- 
ington." must unavoidably excite doubts as to " the inter- 
est we take in their welfare, and our disposition to comply 
with their wishes," and would so contribute not a little to 
defeat other objects. 

The next subject stated by the Mexican minister, as pre- 
senting " another of the questions wdiich maybe discussed," 
and which he considers as being " in like predicament with 
the foregoing," is "the opposition to colonization in Amer- 
ica by the European powers." 



62 

The minister of Colombia concurs in this enumeration. 
He places "the manner in which all colonization of Euro- 
pean powers on the American continent shall be re- 
sisted," at the very head of all the subjects of proposed 
discussion, and couples this with the former as an object 
to be effected by the joint and united efforts of all the 
States to be represented at the congress, who should be 
bound by a solemn convention to sterare this end. 

The President concurs in part in the opinion as to the 
propriety of attaining this end, but differs radically as to 
the mode of accomplishing it. 

' ' An agreement between all the parties represented at 
the meeting that each will guard, by its own means, against 
the establishment of any future European colony within 
its borders,"' he thinks "may be found advisable." Now, 
if this be meant that each nation shall, by its own means, 
protect its own territory against all encroaclnnents upon 
them, attempted by any European or other foreign State 
whatsoever, the committee can not discern either the 
necessity or expediency of entering into any formal agree- 
ment with other States to that effect more than exists for 
reducing to treaty stipulations any other of the high, just, 
and universally admitted rights of all nations. 

Such an idea, however, is obviously not that suggested 
by the ministers of Mexico and Colombia, and if more is 
meant to be comprehended in the agreement which the 
President thinks may be found advisable, every other arti- 
cle it would contain must, in the opinion of this commit- 
tee, violate all the well-settled principles of the policy of 
the United States, and put at hazard their best interest, 
without any adequate motive for so novel an experiment. 
In the one case, the views and motives of the President 
differ again, essentially, from those of the other parties to 
be represented at this congress ; and from the disclosure 
of these repeated differences of opinion, no good can pos- 
sibly result. And in the other, should the views of the 
President concur with those of the other American States 
(which the committee do not believe), the mutual stipula- 
tions growing out of such an agreement would, in the 
opinion of this committee, prove fatal to the best interests 



63 

of the United States, should the casus faederis ever hap- 
pen. 

To adjust the means of most effectual resistance to the 
interference of neutral nations, in the war of independence 
between the new powers of this continent and Spain ; and 
of opposition to colonization in America by the European 
powers, are said by the Mexican minister to be "the two 
principal subjects" of intended discussion at the contem- 
plated congress; and. indeed, are all the subjects of dis- 
cussion which he particularly states. The minister of 
Colombia, however, extends his enumeration of the sub- 
jects of intended discussion somewhat further ; and after 
mentioning those before stated, adds, as another, "the 
consideration of the means to be adopted for the entire 
abolition of the African slave trade." 

To this subject the President makes no allusion in his 
message; and, after the examination which it has received 
in the Senate during two successive years, this committee 
deem it quite unnecessary to say much in relation to it at 
this time. Some of the sovereign States here represented 
were the first in the world to proclaim their abhorrence of 
this traffic. Since the formation of this Government the 
Unit'd States have exerted (and as this committee believe 
have exerted effectually) all the means in their power to 
arrest its progress so far as their own citizens were con- 
cerned; and if all other nations, and especially those 
nations holding possessions in America, would follow 
their example, the African slave trade would no longer 
exist. The United States, however, have not certainly the 
right and ought never to feel the inclination to dictate 
to others who may differ with them upon this subject; 
in >r do the committee see the expediency of insulting other 
States with whom we are maintaining relations of perfect 
amity by ascending the moral chair and proclaiming from 
thence mere abstract principles, of the rectitude of which 
each nation enjoys the perfect right of deciding for itself. 
The minister of Colombia states, as another subject of 
discussion at the contemplated congress, "on what basis 
the relation of Hayti, and of other parts of our hemis- 
phere that shall hereafter be in like circumstances, are to 



64 

be placed." To this matter also the President makes no 
allusion in his message. And surely if there is any sub- 
ject within the whole circle of political relations, as to 
which it is the interest and the duty of all States to keep 
themselves perfectly free and unshackled by any previous 
stipulation, it is that which regards their future connec- 
tions with any other people not parties to such an agree- 
ment. Of the propriety or impropriety of such connec- 
tions each must ever be permitted to judge freely for 
itself, because the benefit or disadvantage to result from 
them must be peculiar and very different to each, and 
that relation which is highly desirable at one time may 
become hurtful at another. In the opinion of this com- 
mittee, therefore, the United States should never permit 
themselves to enter into discussion with any foreign State 
whatever as to the relations they should be obliged to 
establish with any other people not parties to such dis- 
cussions. And the objections to such a course become in- 
finitely stronger when the discussions are intended to refer 
not only to those who then exist, but also to others who 
may hereafter be considered as placed "in like circum- 
stances. " 

These are all the points particularly suggested by the 
minister of Columbia as subjects of discussion at the 
contemplated congress. The minister of Guatemala (who 
also unites in the invitation given to the United States) 
has stated no particular subject as matter of discussion at 
this congress. He intimates, however, "that, as Europe 
had formed a continental system, and held a congress 
whenever questions affecting its interests were to be dis- 
cussed, America should also form a system for itself." 

How far this general suggestion meets the views of the 
President the committee are not enabled, by any docu- 
ment referred to them, to decide. But they will present 
to the Senate their own ideas in relation to it ; the rather 
because it seems now to be the prominent object of the 
proposed congress, the magnitude and variety of details be- 
longing to which defy present enumeration and particu- 
lar specification. 

Without adverting to the great and obvious diversities 



65 

existing between the States of this continent and those of 
Europe, by which the system here alluded to has been 
established — diversities growing out of the situation of 
their people, the nature of their governments, and the 
positions they occupy, not only in relation to each other, 
bu1 to the rest of the civilized world, this committee will 
state as their opinion, that no effect yet produced by the 
continental system of Europe is of a character to invite 
the States of this continent to take that system as a model 
or example for their imitation. The great object of the 
continental system of Europe is, to preserve ancient insti- 
tutions, and relations long known and well understood, 
in the position which they now occupy and for many 
centuries have done. 

The operation of this system is, by the combination of 
[towers and the application of mere force, to arrest the 
progress of improvement in the science of government 
and in the condition of society, ends which all free States 
must reprobate as much as they do the means employed 
for their accomplishment. If this were not so, however, a 
system formed for this continent for the same or even 
different objects would most probably produce the worst 
effects. The short political existence of all the States on 
this continent, even of the United States themselves, the 
most ancient of any, has enabled them to profit so little 
as yet by experience, that it would seem rash to proclaim 
their perfection at this time, or to pledge any of them to 
perpetuate either their present institutions or existing 
political relations. Our own excellent Constitution is 
based upon the supposition of its own probable imperfec- 
tions, and most wisely pi-ovides for its amendment when- 
ever such defects shall be discovered to exist. We can 
not, therefore, stipulate to preserve it as it is, and no com- 
pact with other States can be necessary to bestow upon 
each the power it now possesses to effect any change which 
experience may hereafter show to be beneficial to itself. 
And a stipulation to make such changes as the good for 
any others may hereafter require would either be futile 
or must inevitably lead to discord and to wars. 

The committee doubt, moreover, the authority of the 
5 PA 



66 

Government of the United States to enter into any nego- 
tiations with foreign nations for the purpose of settling 
and promulgating either principles of internal polity or 
mere abstract propositions as parts of the public law. 
And if the proposed congress is viewed but as a convenient 
mode of conducting a summary negotiation relative to 
existing interests important to this continent alone, it not 
only may, but most probably will, lie considered by all 
other civilized nations as a confederacy of the States 
therein represented for purposes as prejudicial to the in- 
terests of the Old as they are supposed to be beneficial to 
those of the New World. Many of the provisions in the 
different conventions already concluded between some of 
the new States relative to this very congress, and which 
are now public, are well calculated to create such a sus- 
picion, even if they do not justify a belief in its truth. 
And whensoever this suspicion shall be entertained by the 
nations of the Old World, and especially by those who still 
hold possessions on this continent, it must be obvious to 
all that consequences much to be deplored will unavoid- 
ably result. 

Nothing that can be done hereafter by any department 
of this Government in refusing to sanction the stipulations 
concluded at a congress regarded in this light will suffice 
to avert the calamity ; and the United States, who have 
grown up in happiness to their present prosperity by a 
strict observance of their old well-known course of policy, 
and by manifesting entire good-will and most profound 
respect for all other nations, must prepare to embark their 
future destinies upon an unknown and turbulent ocean, 
directed by little experience, and destined for no certain 
haven. In such a voyage the dissimilitude existing be- 
tween themselves and their associates in interest, charac- 
ter, language, religion, manners, customs, -habits, laws, 
and almost every other particular, and the rivalship 
these discrepancies must surely produce among them, 
would generate discords, which if they did not destroy all 
hope of its successful termination, would make even suc- 
cess itself the ultimate cause of new and direful conflicts 
between themselves. Such has been the issue of all such 



67 

enterprises in past time, and we have therefore strong 
reasons to expert in the future similar results from simi- 
lar i 'a uses. 

The committee, having thus examined the several sub- 
jects of proposed discussion, stated oralludedto by each 
of the ministers of the new States of America, as matters 
of deliberation at the contemplated congress, will now 
proceed to the investigation of others not mentioned or 
referred to by any of them, but exhibited in the message 
of the President. 

The committee see nothing in the documents to them 
referred to prove that the States who originated the proj- 
ect of this Congress, and settled the subjects proper for 
its deliberation, and who most probably have already ad- 
justed "the preliminary rules of that assembly," will admil 
as fit matters of discussion any other than those which 
they themselves have so previously announced. Should 
this be the case, the degraded position which the United 
States must then occupy at the congress must be apparent 
to all. Without- adverting further, however, at this time, 
to this consideration, the committee will enter into the 
examination of the several topics suggested by the Presi- 
dent, as though the discussion of them was a matter settled 
and already agreed. 

The first of these subjects stated by the President is "the 
establishment of principles of a liberal commercial inter- 
course." The motives for desiring this are stated to be 
that " the Southern American nations, in their intercourse 
with the United States, have sometimes manifested dispo- 
sitions to reserve aright of granting special favors and 
privileges to the Spanish natioa at the price of their rec- 
ognition. At others they have actually established duties 
and impositions, operating unfavorably to the United 
States to the advantage of other European powers, and 
sometimes they have appeared to consider that they might 
interchange among themselves mutual concession's of ex- 
clusive favors to which neither European powers nor the 
United States should be admitted." 

In considering these reasons it can not escape the observa- 
tion of any that in manifesting dispositions to establish 



68 

such commercial relations the Southern American nations 
must have been actuated by the only motive that ever 
operates either upon nations or individuals in regard to 
their mere commercial intercourse — a desire fairly to ad- 
vance their own interests, and a belief that they could by 
such means properly accomplish this end. If, in this 
belief, these nations are right, then the United States can 
scarcely be viewed as acting toward them in that spirit of 
generous kindness and fraternal friendship they have pro- 
fessed when they would strive to induce them to establish 
as liberal principles such as would be injurious to the in- 
terests of these Southern nations themselves. And if they 
are wrong, it seems to this committee that the task of ex- 
hibiting their errors may be much better performed, as 
hitherto it hath been, by particular discussions with each 
separately than by general demonstrations made to all, 
assembled as a congress. 

The interests of commerce are necessarily peculiar ; they 
grow out of numerous circumstances produced by locality, 
climate, population, manners, customs, and other causes, 
no one of which exists alike in any two nations on the 
globe. Few general principles, therefore, can ever apply, 
with equal truth, to so many peculiarities ; and such as do 
so apply, need not the sanction of solemn compact to give 
them effect. They may be very safely confided to the 
natural disposition of man, promptly to discover, and 
eagerly to advance, his own best interests. 

Whatever disposition, then, may have been manifested 
by the Southern nations of America, this committee think 
that their effects, both upon themselves and the United 
States, will constitute subjects much more fit for separate 
discussions with each, than of general investigation before 
all. And the committee are the more confirmed in this 
opinion by the assurance given by the President, in his 
message, that "in most of these cases their regulations un- 
favorable to us have already yielded to friendly expostu- 
lation and remonstrance," and, by the fact of the treaties 
recently concluded between these States, contain express 
stipulations that, in no event, will they agree or enter into 
any treaty with Spain, or any other nation, to the prejudice 



69 

of their independenci . bu1 to maintain, at all times, their 
mutual interests, with the dignity and energy proper to free 
independenl Slates. 

It is t rue a difference of opinion appears to exist at pres- 
ent between the United States and one of the new Repub- 
lics of America in relation to a single principle of their 
commercial intercourse. When the Senate recollect, how- 
ever, thai treaties have been already concluded between 
the United States and three others of these Republics, in 
each of which treaties this poinl has been settled as the 
United States themselves think right, the committee be- 
lieve that the Senate will concur wil h them in the opinion 
that it is much better to continue the discussion of this 
.subject with the dissenting Stale singly, urging upon her 
the example of her sister States, than to pu1 in hazard the 
stipulations already secured by voluntarily entering into 
an examination of their expediency before the contem- 
plated congress. 

•'The consentaneous adoption of principles of maritime 
neutrality, favorable to the navigation of peace and com- 
merce in time of war.'" is the next object which, in the 
opinion of the President, should "also form a subjecl of 
consideration in this congress." In relation to this, so far 
as it regards the commerce of peace, the committee have 
already expressed their opinion; and. so far as it is in- 
tended to settle the rules of war as applicable to naviga- 
tion, the committee will only remark that there exists so 
much risk of compromising and destroying the relations 
of ueutrality, which the United States are now maintain- 
in.";, should they involve themselves by any compad rela- 
tive to belligerent rights entered into with only one of I he 
parties to the present war during its continuance, that, m 
their opinion, it would lie highly inexpedient to make 
such an experiment at this time. 

Any principle relating to the rights of war which one of 
the parties in the existing contesl mighl lie willing to adopt, 
as promoting its interests could scarcely !"• regarded with 
indifference by the other. And the great maritime States 
of Europe would most probably consider that the United 
States had seized tin' occasion of this war to enter into a 



70 

confederacy with the other States of this continent now 
actually engaged in it for the purpose of settling principles 
intended to affect materially their future interests. 

It is well known to the Senate, moreover, that treaties al- 
ready exist between the United States and several of the 
new "States of this continent, in which all the subjects al- 
luded to by the President in this part of his message are 
already settled; and no reason is known to this committee 
to excite the slightest doubt that the others of these States 
with whom treaties are not yet concluded will feel any dis- 
inclination to enter into similar stipulations for themselves. 

'■ There is yet another subject," says the President, "upon 
which, without entering into any treaty, the moral influence 
of the United States may perhaps be exerted with bene- 
ficial consequences at such a meeting — the advancement of 
religious liberty." And as a motive for making an effort 
to accomplish this object he states that "an exclusive 
church has been incorporated with the political constitu- 
tions of some of the southern nations without toleration 
of any other than the dominant sect." 

In the opinion of this committee there is no proposition 
concerning which the people of the United States are now 
and ever have been more unanimous than that which de- 
nies not merely the expediency but the right of inter- 
meddling with the internal affairs of other States, and 
especially of seeking to alter any provision they may have 
thought proper to adopt as a fundamental law or may 
have incorporated with their political constitutions. And 
if there be any such subject more sacred and delicate than 
another, as to which the United States ought never to 
intermeddle even by obtrusive advice, it is that which 
concerns religious liberty. The most cruel and devastat- 
ing wars have been produced by such interferences ; the 
blood of man has been poured out in torrents ; and from 
the days of the Crusades to the present hour no benefit has 
resulted to the human family from discussions carried on 
by nations upon such subjects. Among the variety even 
of Christian nations which now inhabit the earth, rare in- 
deed are the examples to be found of States who have not 
established an exclusive church, and to far the greater 



71 

number of these toleration is yet unknown. In none of 
the communications which have taken place is the most 
distant allusion made to this delicate subject by any of 
the ministers who have given this invitation; and the 
committee feel very confident in the opinion that if ever 
an intimation shall be made to the sovereignties (hey rep- 
resent thai ii was the purpose of the United States to dis- 
cuss at the proposed congress their plans of internal civil 
policy, or anything touching the supposed interests of 
their religious establishments, the invitation given would 
soon be withdrawn. 

The committee have thus exhibited to the Senate, in 
detail, all the subjects which they have been enabled to 
find part icularly stated, eil her by i he President in his first 
message or by any of the ministers of the new States of 
America, as mat ters intended to be discussed at the con- 
templated Congress. In reviewing these they will repeat 
that a concurrence of opinion dues nut seem to exist lie 

tween the dill'el'enl parties as to t he sn lijeel s of delil.i r;i 

tion ; nor has the mode of discussion or decision Keen in 
any way settled bet ween I hem. In relal ion 1<> some of the 
subjects alluded to as lit matters for consideration differ- 
ences of opinion, radical and irreconcilable, seem already 
to exist, which disenssiun may aggravate but can nut as- 
suage. As tu-others. their very agitation in this mode 
threatens seriously the compromitmenl of the neutral re- 
lations which the United States are now maintaining and 
have so carefully observed throughout t his whole contest. 
Others, again, are unfit subjects for deliberation in this 
mode at all times, and any agreement resulting from their 

discussion must impair that freedom of action which it is 
so necessary Tor the United States to preserve as to these : 
and, as to the residue, I hey are either not of sufficient im- 
portance to require the adoption of this new and untried 
experiment of a- Congress of Nations, or may he much 
better adjusted and settled in separate negotiations with 
each than in a, general conference with all. For these 
reasons, if there wen' none other, this committee should 
regard the adoption of the measure proposed by the Presi- 
dent as highly inexpedient at this time. 



Although in the message of the President of the 9th 
instant no new subject of deliberation at the contemplated 
Congress is specially stated, yet, from the documents ac- 
companying that message, and therein referred to as con- 
taining information tending to show the expediency of 
adopting the proposed measure, it appears to this com- 
mittee that the present and future condition of the remain- 
ing Spanish possessions in America are considered as 
proper matters to be there agitated and settled. Such 
being the inference of the committee they will proceed to 
lay before the Senate their opinion upon this subject also. 

The committee are well aware that the United States can 
never regard with indifference the situation and probable 
destiny of the neighboring Spanish islands of Cuba and 
Puerto Rico; but so far from believing it expedient to dis- 
cuss these subjects at a Congress of all the American 
States, and especially at this time, the committee consider 
the great probability that such a discussion might be forced 
upon the United States if they are there represented as a 
circumstance furnishing in itself the strongest objections 
to the adoption of the measure proposed. 

If the existing war between Spain and the new States of 
America continues the United States could scarcely en- 
deavor to arrest the progress of that war in the only 
direction it can hereafter take, or prevail upon one of the 
belligerents not to strike their enemy where alone he is 
now assailable and most vulnerable by them, without an- 
nouncing a determination to take part in the contest ; and 
if peace shall happily be restored all apprehension of the 
effects of such a blow must cease of course. Why, then, 
discuss the merits of such a question which it seems prob- 
able may never arise ? Or why place the United States in 
a situation where, if the question does arise and they must 
speak, the language which they utter must be regarded as 
equally unfriendly to all the new States, and where, if 
the United States keep silence, this very silence will be 
misinterpreted ? 

Should the situation or policy of the United States in- 
duce them to look with indifference upon the new direction 
that the existing war may take and to abstain from all in- 



73 

terference in it, even though the neighboring islands of 
Cuba and Puerto Rico may be threatened or assailed, then 
the yery annunciation of such a purpose must contribute 
much to accelerate an event that can not be desired by us. 
In whatever light, therefore, this subject is viewed it does 
not seem to be one which the United States should discuss 
with the other American States assembled at a Congress. 
The inexpediency of pursuing a course appeared more 
obvious to this committee when they considered that 
many of the nations of Europe must also feel that their 
interests were materially involved in its decision, and that 
they would not abstain from making some movement in 
relation to it which must greatly embarrass any course 
that the United States may wish hereafter to pursue. 

While the United States retain the position which they 
have hitherto occupied, and manifest a constant deter- 
mination not to mingle their interests with those of the 
other States of America, they may continue to employ the 
influence which they possess, and have already happily 
exerted, with the nations of Europe in favor of these new 
republics. But if ever the United States permit them- 
selves to be associated with these nations in any general 
congress, assembled for the discussion of common plans, 
in any way affecting European interests, they will, by 
such an act, not only deprive themselves of the ability 
they now possess of rendering useful assistance to the 
other American states, but also produce other effects 
prejudicial to their own interests. Then the powers of 
Europe, who have hitherto confided in the sagacity, vigi- 
lance, and impartiality of the United States to watch, de- 
tect, announce, and restrain any disposition that the heat 
of the existing contest might excite in the new states of 
America to extend their empires beyond their own limits, 
and who have therefore considered their own possessions 
and commerce in America safe while so guarded, would 
no longer feel this confidence. Each would therefore 
endeavor to secure its own interests by its own means, and 
the power of Spain not being considered by any as equal to 
the protection of her remaining American possessions, a 
struggle would probably commence who should first ob- 



74 

tain the islands of Cuba and Puerto Rico, the possession 
of which must ever be of the last importance to the com- 
merce of this hemisphere. Or, if such should not be the 
case, the interest of many European nations might seem 
to require that they should make common cause with 
Spain for the purpose of preventing these islands from 
falling into other hands. To the United States it would 
be of little moment which of these events should occur, 
for it can not be expected that any such contest could be 
carried on so near them without the most imminent dan- 
ger to their neutrality. 

The very situation of Cuba and Puerto Rico, therefore, 
furnishes the strongest inducement to the United States 
not to take a place at the contemplated Congress, since, 
by so doing, they must be considered as changing the at- 
titude in which they hitherto have stood as impartial 
spectators of the passing scenes and identifying them- 
selves with the new republics. 

These reasons, strong as they have appeared to this com- 
mittee, are not the only objections to the proposed meas- 
ure disclosed by the documents to them referred. The 
manner in which this invitation has been given, of itself, 
furnishes many forcible obstacles to its acceptance, and, 
in the opinion of this committee, the United States will 
neither consult their own dignity nor what is due to the 
proper respect they have a right to claim from all nations, 
and especially from the new states of America, if they 
now agree to co-operate in carrying this proposed measure 
into effect. 

The history of the transaction, so far as it is disclosed 
to this committee, seems to be this: So early as the year 
1821 the project of assembling a general congress of their 
representatives to consider and adopt the best plan for 
defending the states of the New World from foreign ag- 
gression, and to conclude treaties of alliance, commerce, 
and friendship for the promotion of their happiness and 
prosperity, appears to have been received by one at least 
of the new states of America. This scheme of forming 
a continental system for America, to resemble that already 
formed in Europe, was communicated to the others of these 



75 

states, who, concurring in the project, negotiations were 
instituted between them for the purpose of concluding 
conventions to provide for this object. 

The plan being so far matured, the United States were, 
for the first time, informally applied to during the last 
spring by the ministers of two of the new states, separ- 
ately, to learn whether an invitation to be represented at 
this Congress, if given by both these republics, would be 
accepted. To tins communication, informally made, the 
President as informally replied that lie believed such a 
congress as was proposed might be highly useful for sev- 
eral purposes, but that, before it assembled, it appears to 
him expedient to adjust between the powers to be repre- 
sented several preliminary points, such as the subjects to 
be discussed, the nature of the powers to be given to tin- 
agents who were to compose it,. and the mode of its organi- 
zation and action. And if these preliminary points could 
be arranged in a manner satisfactory to the United States, 
the ministers to whom this communication was made were 
informed that the President thought the United States 
ought to be represented at the contemplated congress. 
Each minister undertook to transmit to his government 
this answer thus given. 

The affair remaining in this posture as to the United 
States, the negotiations previously entered into between 
the new sta,tes were brought to a close, and conventions 
providing for the objects of the proposed congress were 
actually concluded, some of them so far back as the 6th 
day of July. L822. 

After the conclusion of all these conventions, and only 
a few weeks since, during the month of November last, 
separate formal communications were made to the United 
States by the ministers .of Mexico, Colombia, and Guate- 
mala, respectively, disclosing some of the objects intended 
to be discussed at the proposed congress in the manner 
already stated by the committee, and giving the invitation 
to the Uni ed States to be there represented. In some of 
these communications the United States were informed 
that instructions and ample powers for the attainment of 
the proposed objects would be given by at least one of 



76 

the new Republics, and a wish was expressed that the 
agents of all the others might bear the same. In none, 
however, is any mention made either of the mode or or- 
ganization or action of the congress, nor is it anywhere 
stated who would be the parties, or what representatives 
were either invited, expected, or would be received. But 
in the very communication which conveys the information 
already stated the United States are told that at the 
date of that communication (November 3) the repre- 
sentatives from Colombia, Peru, Guatemala, and Mexico 
Avouid have arrived at Panama, the agreed place of as- 
sembling, and would be engaged in settling the prelimi- 
nary rules of the assembly, and in discussing the questions 
which should be supposed by them to belong exclusively 
to the belligerents. 

It thus appears that, after everything relative to the 
meeting of the proposed congress had been settled by 
formal negotiations and treaties between themselves, the 
United States have been thus loosely invited by the other 
American States as if in mere courtesy to attend its delib- 
erations. Should the United States accept such an invita- 
tion, the deputies whom they may send to Panama will 
there be associated with they know not whom, or for what 
purposes, or in what mode. When these deputies shall 
inquire of the congress as to any of these important par- 
ticulars they will receive the information they ask in reso- 
lutions and compacts adjusted and concluded before their 
arrival. And if, waiving all these things, which none 
ought to consider as mere ceremonials, the agents of the 
United States shall take the places previously assigned to 
them, and propose to take a part in the discussions, they 
will find all the leading principal topics for deliberation 
already passed upon and concluded. 

The committee are well aware that the interest and 
character of free States should never be permitted to rest 
upon matters of mere fastidious etiquette and ceremonious 
observance; but even in the intercourse between individ- 
uals, and much more in that between sovereignties, there 
is a point at which forms become substance, and when 
scrupulous attention to the most minute ceremonials that 



comity and respect exact is due to the sacred character and 
dignity of the Republic. At that point the committee be- 
lieve the United States should ever make a stand, and 
resting there should always exact even from the most 
ancient and puissant sovereign of the earth everything re- 
quired by their own self-respect. Nor should anything be 
then waived even to manifest their sensibility to what- 
ever concerns the prosperity of the American hemisphere 
or the sincere friendship which they feel for these new 
Republics. 

As tlie most ancient State in the New World : the first 
acknowledged sincere friend of those more recently exist- 
ing ; as a State from whose greater experience more light 
is said to be expected to be shed upon the subjects to be 
discussed and the principles to be established at the con- 
templated congress than from the other States, the United 
States had a right to expect that when this project of a 
o ingress of American nations was conceived it should have 
been communicated to them as early as to any others whose 
presence by their representatives was deemed desirable. 
That they. too. should have been asked whether such a 
measure would be acceptable ; that they, too, should have 
been consulted as to the time, the place, and the man 
ner of assembling such a congress. That they, too, 
should have been permitted to assist in the enumeration 
of the subjects to which its attention might properly be 
directed; in the adjustment of the nature and form of 
the powers to be given to the diplomatic agents who were 
to compose it : in the mode of its organization and action : 
and. above all others, in the settlement of the great ques- 
tion, who should be invited to take a part in its delibera- 
tions. The United States had also a right to expect that 
the result of all such consultations should be fixed and 
secured by solemn compacts and conventions, in which 
they too should be parties. 

Such the committee believe ought to have been and 
would have been the course pursued by the United States 
towards the other American States, if the project of con- 
vening a Congress of American nations had occurred to 
us as a measure useful and beneficial to the American 



78 

continent ; and being never disposed to exact from others 
more respect than in the like circumstances they are will- 
ing- themselves to pay the United States, in the opinion 
of this committee, would themselves, even if an opinion 
should he entertained that anything exists requiring the 
adoption of such a measure at this time, courteously to de- 
cline the invitation given under the circumstances stated, 
and to institute the proper proceedings necessary to its 
consummation in the mode which friendship, comity, and 
deference to others require. Such a movement belongs to 
the high character which the United States enjoy in the 
estimation of all the world, the merit of which is accorded 
to them by none more willing than by the new born States 
of this continent ; and, if it be not now made, the time will 
go by when the position may ever hereafter be properly 
assumed. 

The committee would not be understood as suggesting 
the expediency of any such measure at this time. In their 
opinion, there exists no adequate motive to induce its adop- 
tion. Every spot known or habitable in America is already 
appropriated by different nations, whose rights of terri- 
tory all recognize; and if trifling differences may exist 
between any upon the sl^bject of mere common boundary, 
these differences constitute fit matter of friendly discus- 
sion between them alone. 

The idea of colonization in America, therefore, no 
longer exists; and in the present posture of nations there 
is little reason to apprehend the willful encroachment of 
any upon the American possessions of another. Each 
passing hour strengthens the just claims which the new 
States of America have preferred, to be recognized as 
sovereign and independent by all other nations; and the 
quiet efflux of time, if it has not already done so, must 
very soon place their sovereignty upon the same basis on 
winch rests that of the most ancient nations of the earth. 
Spain possesses not the ability to give any of them cause 
of serious concern; and enjoying the friendship and pro- 
claimed recognition of Great Britain and of the United 
States, there is no sufficient reason to apprehend the inter- 
ference of any European nation in the question and war 



79 

of ihi'ir independence. Compacts have been already con- 
cluded, or are now negotiating, between each of the States 
of this continent, wherein their mutual interest, both 
general and particular, will be firmly fixed upon princi- 
ples of the most perfect justice and liberal equity. And 
no common subject now remains of sufficient magnitude 
to require a movement so new and important as the 
assembling of a Congress of all the American nations, 
which can not but excite suspicion and jealousy in the 
other hemisphere, and might so affect injuriously the in- 
terests of flic new States themselves. 

Should this happy state of things ever change the lively 

interest which the United States have ever taken in the wel- 
fare of these their sister sovereignties, ought to be regarded 
by them as the surest pledge, that we can not be indifferent to 
anything that concerns them. An eye the most vigilant 
we shall ever direct to their prosperity; the appearance of 
the firstcloud, rising to obscure its light, will lie announced 
to them; and the United States will then manifest the deep 
interest which they feel in the elevation and happiness of 
all the nations of the new world. 

When such an event shall occur the United States will 
probably be the first to solicit the assembling of a Congress 
of American States, and the invitations which they shall 
then give to others to be there represented will be such as 
their friendship ami respect shall dictate and upon terms 
which the most fair and liberal principles of policy require. 
The same, this committee have no doubt, would have been 
the character of the invitation given to the United States 
upon this occasion if the new States of America, when 
they conceived or matured the scheme for assembling the 
Congress at Panama, had entertained the most remote idea 
that the United States either would or ought to be there 
represented. All the conventions concluded between these 
States, however, prove beyond doubt that even at the date 
of the most recent of all their compacts none others were 
expected or desired to be represented at this Congress, but 
the States of America who had formerly been colonies of 
Spain, and who were then engaged in war with that power. 
That the great object of this Congress was to adjust be- 



80 

tween themselves the most effectual means of conducting 
this war to the most speedy and happy conclusion; and 
that the presence of no nentral State could, therefore, be 
anticipated. 

Before they conclude their report, the committee beg 
leave to remark, that the intimation given by the Presi- 
dent, in his first message to the Senate, that this measure, 
in which he had thought proper to take no step, before 
ascertaining that his opinion of its expediency would con- 
cur with that of both branches of the Legislature, was, 
nevertheless, " deemed by him to be within the constitu- 
tional competency of the Executive," did not escape their 
observation. But, as the correctness of this opinion, en- 
tertained and expressed by the President, will constitute 
proper matter for the deliberation and decision of the 
Senate when they shall enter upon the consideration of a 
resolution now lying on the table, and not referred to this 
committee, they did not believe that they were authorized 
by the Senate to consider this subject. The committee 
forbear from saying anything in relation thereto. 

The committee feel, most sensibly, the embarassing sit- 
uation in which they are placed. On the one hand, the 
duty which they owe to themselves, "and to the Senate and 
to the President, required that they should examine fully 
and freely the measure proposed, and should state the 
reasons that lead to the conclusion which they felt them- 
selves bound to adopt. On the other, they were well aware 
that the adoption of this conclusion and the assignment of 
the reasons which produced it might contribute not a 
little to embarrass the President, whose acceptance of the 
invitation given was already announced. Placed in this 
delicate situation, after bestowing upon the subject the 
most mature consideration, believing it to be a sacred 
duty which the Senate owed to the sovereign States 
that they here represent to exercise the constitutional 
power conferred upon them, by examining, at this time, 
every feature of this new project, and deciding upon 
its expediency or inexpediency as to them might seem 
right, the committee could not hesitate to disclose all their 
views in relation to this important matter in order that 



M 

these, being fully exhibited to the Senate, might be by 
them either adopted or corrected. 

The committee were induced to adopt this course with 
less reluctance by the assurance given by the President 
that until he could be aided by the advice and consent of 
the Senate he would take no step to carry the measure 
which he had proposed into effect. Mosl willingly would 
the committee recommend to the Senate to abstain from 
pronouncing any opinion upon this now delicate subject if 
they could permit themselves to propose to this body a 
dereliction of its bounden duty or the adoption of any 
course that might lead it to shrink from its high responsi- 
bility. But, convinced that the Senate had the right and 
were bound to decide directly upon the expediency of this 
new scheme without limiting their decision to the mere 
nominations incidentally connected with it. and convinced 
that the project itself, viewed in any light, was highly in- 
expedient at this time, the committee thought it better to 
exhibit these their views, and to advise the expression of 
the opinion of the Senate in relation thereto in the first 
instance. Abstaining, therefore, from any remark at 
present as to the nominations to them referred, the com- 
mittee recommend to the Senate the adoption of the fol- 
lowing resolution : 

Resolved, That it is not expedient at this time for the 
United States to send any ministers to the Congress of 
American nations, assembled at Panama. 



Reportofihi Committet on 'Foreign Affairs. Houst of Rep- 
resentatives March 25, L826. 

Mr. Crowninshield, from the Committee on Foreign 
Affairs, to which was referred the message of the Presi- 
dent of the United States, of the L5th instant, made the 
following report ; 

The Committee on Foreign Affairs, to whom was referred 
the message of the President of the United States, to the 
House of Representatives, of the 15th instant, with the 

PA 



82 

documents accompanying it, have had the same under con- 
sideration, and beg leave to report : 

That it appears, from the above-named message and 
papers, that an invitation has been received by the United 
States, from the Republics of Colombia, Central America, 
and Mexico, to attend the congress about to be held at Pan- 
ama. It appears that this invitation was accepted by the 
President, on the condition that the nomination of commis- 
sioners for the mission should receive the advice and con- 
sent of the Senate. This advice and consent having been 
constitutionally expressed, in the confirmation of the min- 
isters nominated by the President, the concurrence of the 
House of Representatives is requested, as necessary to carry 
the mission into effect, by an appropriation to defray the 
expense of it. This concurrence being "subject to the 
free determination" of the House, the committee have 
regarded it as their duty to the House, to inquire into the 
expediency of accepting this invitation. The ordinary 
courtesy of nations, in friendship with each other, and the 
peculiar interest which, for the strongest reasons, the people 
of the United States have ever felt, and must ever feel, in 
the new American republics, would seem to dictate the 
propriety of accepting this invitation, unless there were 
sufficient reasons for declining it. No such reasons are 
believed by the Committee of Foreign Affairs to exist. 

In order to present the subject in its true light to the 
House the committee would first make a remark on the 
general nature of the assembly, designated by the name 
of the Congress of Panama. The term Congress, it need 
scarcely be observed, is by no means to be here understood 
in the sense in which it is applied to some other political 
assemblies. The Congress at Panama is not a representa- 
tive delegation, forming a branch of a Government, like 
the present Congress of the United States. ■ It is not a 
body in which the government of several confederated 
sovereign states is deposited, like the old American Con- 
gress. Neither is it a personal meeting of sovereigns like 
the recent congresses of Europe. It is an assembly of 
diplomatic agents, clothed with no power except to discuss 
and to negotiate, deputed by Governments whose consti- 



83 

tutions require that all engagements with foreign powers 
shall be subject to the ratification of some organic body 
at home; and the more effectually to guard against mis- 
take, even of the design in which this Congress lias been 
proposed, it is stipulated in the several treaties formed by 
Colombia with the other new Republics, that this meeting 
at Panama •"shall not affect, in any manner, the exercise 
of the national sovereignty of the contracting parties, in 
regard to their laws and the establishment and form of 
their respective Gtoa erntneuts." 

Such is the general nature of the proposed Congress, as 
appears from the papers referred to this committee. Of 
its objects, the committee will, in the course of this re- 
port, more particularly speak. They are. in general, all 
subjects interesting to the powers represented at the Con- 
gress, and susceptible of discussion at such a meeting. 
The minister of the Colombian Republic, with the libera] 
design, as it would appear, of excluding the supposition 
that his own Government, or those which joined it. in in- 
viting us to the Congress, had any wish to exercise a dic- 
tation as to what subjects should exclusively be dis- 
cussed, has observed, in his letter to the Secretary of 
State of 2d November is-.','), that the topics of discussion 
therein enumerated, are designed merely "as suggestions 
by way of example ;" while " it is left to the wisdom of 
the Governments and the judgment of their representa- 
tives to propose whatever maybe esteemed of common 
good to the new hemisphere." In the same Letter of the 
Colombian minister to the Secretary of State tin' follow- 
ing remarks also occur : 

At Panama the best and most opportune occasion is offered t<> the 
United States to tix some principles of international law, the unsettled 
state of which lias caused much evilto humanity. It istolie presumed 
that this Government (the United State's of America) possesses more 
light upon the subject than the other States of our hemisphere, both 
from its experience during the wars that succeeded the French revo- 
lution and from its negotiations (now on foot) with Great Britain and 
other nations relative to these principles. It belongs to each of the 
concurring parties to propose their views, hut the voice of the United 
States will he heard with the respect and deference which its early 
labors in a work of such importance will merit, 



84 

The sentiments here expressed by the minister of 
Colombia are in accordance with those of the ministers of 
Mexico and Central America, as contained in their re- 
spective letters to the Secretary of State on the subject of 
the invitation to attend the Congress. 

The object of this body, therefore, as far as the United 
States are concerned, are all subjects which the United 
States may deem it for their interest to propose for dis- 
cussion. They embrace, consequently, in general terms, 
our political and commercial relations with the new 
American republics. 

The Committee of Foreign Affairs has accordingly been 
led to inquire what the principle of our diplomatic inter- 
course with other Governments has been? The answer to 
this inquiry is, that it has ever been the policy of the 
United States to maintain diplomatic relations with those 
powers, and those only with which we have important 
political and commercial relations. We have not formed 
diplomatic connections with the very powerful states, such 
as Austria and the Porte, where no great political, no exten- 
sive commercial relations required such connections, while 
with powers not of the first class, such as Holland and 
Spain, important political and commercial relations have 
led the United States to the establishment of permanent 
missions. 

This being the principle of our diplomatic intercourse, 
the committee conceive it to apply, with great force, in 
the present instance, and to require the attendance of our 
agents at the Congress of Panama. In that body questions 
directly involving our most important political and com- 
mercial interests are to be discussed. Though the new 
republics there represented are so many separate Govern- 
ments, our relations with them are not merely those which 
we hold toward each individually; they form one whole 
family in language, religion, law. historical fortunes, and 
present political alliance. From this family, as far as the 
enumerated circumstances go, we are necessarily excluded; 
out of this exclusion springs an entire class of political and 
commercial relations, between us on the one side and a 
large family of new republics on the other. This family 



85 

of republics lias thought it expedient to convene an as- 
sembly of plenipotentiaries at Panama. As an important 

part of their public relations are those in which they stand 
to us: they have invited us to semi our ministers to this 
assembly. The law of nations warrants them in thus des- 
ignating the place and mode of treating with friendly 
powers, and if we refuse to accept the invitation, takes 
from us the right of complaining of any results, however 
inconsistent with our interests. 

Under the circumstances in which this subject is before 

the House, the ( imittee deem it their duty to consider 

some of the objections which may be urged against the 
acceptance by the United States of this invitation. These 
may be, among others: that such acceptance is unconsti- 
tutional; that all the objects of the ( longress, as far as we 
are concerned, may be attained by negotiations with the 
separate States; that the subjects of discussion, the powers 
of the ministers, the mode of organizing the Congress, 
and the mode of deciding questions are not sufficiently 
settled to authorize our accepting the invitation; that our 
attendance would endanger our neutrality towards Spain; 
that it might involve us in an entangling alliance with 
the new States; that our attendance would be a novel and 
unprecedented measure; that there is in a Congress of 
States something essentially pernicious, as proved by the 
example of Europe in its recent history. 

The first objection maybe that the attendance of the 
United States at the Congress of Panama would be un- 
constitutional. To this objection the committee would 
reply that they are not acquainted with any restriction in 
the Constitution on the appointment of foreign ministers 
by the proper authority. It may not, however, be super- 
fluous to add that this objection proceeds on the assump- 
tion that the Congress at Panama is either a Government, 
a branch of a Government, or a Confederacy of Govern- 
ments; and that the United States by attending this as- 
sembly unite themselves to the said Government or Con- 
federacy. Neither part of this assumption is true. The 
Congress is a meeting of diplomatic agents from inde- 
pendent Governments; and, granting for a moment that 



86 

the Congress at Panama were a Government or a Confed- 
eracy, our attendance at it by diplomatic ministers would 
be no entrance into such Confederacy — no union with such 
Government. 

It need scarcely be urged that the United States do not 
enter into confederacy, do not form a union with a foreign 
power, or any number of powers, by sending a minister 
to treat with such power or powers. 

It may, in the next place, be objected to our attendance 
at this meeting, that all its objects may be attained by 
separate negotiations with the several States. It may ad- 
mit a doubt whether this could, by possibility, be the case. 
It is questionable whether separate and disconnected 
negotiations between States geographically so remote, and 
in various respects politically so different from each other 
could be brought to the same harmonious and systematic 
result, as a discussion in an assembly of diplomatic agents, 
promptly communicating with each other information, 
counsel, and argument. At all events, it may safely be 
affirmed that the same result may be far more expedi- 
tiously and conveniently attained by a conference with the 
assembled ministers of States so remote from each other ; 
that an interchange of intelligence with their respective 
capitals could not take place more than twice in a twelve- 
month. This objection, going only to the convenience of 
the measure, need not be more particularly weighed. 

The third objection may be that the subjects of discus- 
sion, the powers of the ministers, the mode of organizing 
the congress, and mode of deciding questions, are not yet 
sufficiently settled to justify our attendance. From the 
papers submitted to the committee, it appears that this 
consideration engaged the attention of the Executive when 
the invitation was made to this Government last spring 
by the ministers of Mexico and Colombia. If was then 
required by the President that previous satisfaction should 
be given on these points. The replies of those ministers, 
after having consulted their Governments, do not enter 
into minute detail on all these points, yet the committee 
are of opinion that they are satisfactory. As to the sub- 
jects in general to be discussed, there is no limitation to 



8? 

the disadvantage of any Government represented; and the 
meeting being one of diplomatic agents, and it being stipu- 
lated in the Colombian treaties th.it the ministers to the 
congress ai-e to go with the usual diplomatic powers and 
instructions, it follows that their mode of proceeding must 
be that of diplomatic discussion and conference, and their 
mode of deciding that which can alone exist between 
diplomatic agents — the mutual reference of whatever con- 
vention or pact may be negotiated — to the constitutional 
authorities at home. That such is to be the case with re- 
spect to our ministers is particularly stated in the message 
of the President, as also that they are to be bound by no 
decision of the congress without their own consent. While 
the committee are of opinion that these details are of no 
great importance, they apprehend that, as far as they are 
of importance, the omission to fix them, or to propose them 
for acceptance to the United States, is rather favorable 
than disadvantageous to us. The committee are persuaded 
that on these details, as well as in the leading business of 
the congress, the new States are desirous to have the ad- 
vantage of our experience. This sentiment is repeatedly 
expressed in the letters of the ministers of the new States 
communicating the invitation. 

The next objection may be that our attendance at this 
congress may put to hazard our neutrality. To this it 
may be answered that having already acknowledged the 
independence of the new States we have established the 
right of treating them as free and independent States, as 
well towards Spain as all the rest of the world. These 
States are nominally at war with Spain and Spain alone. 
Her allies have taken no part in this war. The most pow- 
erful of those allies, Great Britain has formally acknowl- 
edged the independence of several of these States, and 
established diplomatic relations with them. To these acts 
on our part and that of Great Britain Spain submits, 
although they not only essentially w< aken her as a bellig- 
erent, but directly violate her colonial laws. But if our 
recognition of each of the States represented at the con- 
gress, and our trading with them in direct contravention 
of the colonial laws of Spain, be no breach, as it is none, 



88 

of our neutrality, so neither is our attendance at a diplo- 
matic council of all those States united a breach of neu- 
trality. This is particularly true when it is added that 
the United States, instead of going to the congress to 
animate the war against Spain, will go as mediators and 
peace-makers, to promote by every means a termination of 
the contest on terms honorable to the new States and ad- 
vantageous to Spain. This power has already received 
the strongest pledges that such is the policy of the United 
States. 

The committee are clearly of opinion that if our at- 
tendance at this Congress be desirable on the part of the 
new States, it is not less so on the part of Spain. 

The next objection that may be urged against our at- 
tendance at the Congress of Panama is, that it may in- 
volve us in an entangling alliance with the new States. 
To this it may be answered that the project of such an 
alliance is expressly disclaimed by the President in the 
message referred to the committee. In the next place, 
the Congress is neither a government nor a confederacy of 
governments with which we could, by possibility, in the 
first instance, enter into an alliance, entangling or not ; 
and, lastly, even if a negotiation for such an alliance were 
entered into by our ministers contrary to the principles on 
which it appears from the message of the President that 
the invitation was accepted, it would still remain for the 
treaty of alliance to be submitted to the constitutional 
ratifying powers in this country. Whether, under these 
circumstances, our acceptance of the invitation can be 
considered even as an approach to an alliance, the com- 
mittee need not say. 

If it be still objected that from the nature of this assem- 
bly there is danger that we, by our attendance, may be 
drawn into an alliance it may be replied that there is no 
other danger of the formation of an entangling alliance 
in consequence of this mission than that which is incident 
to any mission to any power. We have ministers to 
France, to Russia, to England. We have had ministers 
to European countries at periods when very strong temp- 
tations of momentary interest existed for forming alii- 



89 

anees with foreign powers. The committee are not aware 
thai it ever was suggested thai theleasl danger existed of 
the formation of such an alliance in consequence of such 
missions. Our minister to France followed the march of 
the French emperor to the confines of Russia, but no one 
surmised thai we projected an alliance with him. although 
we were at the time engaged in a war with his other chief 
enemy. Great Britain. Yet it is plain that the way to an 
alliance is much more direct in an ordinary mission than in 
that proposed. When our minister is accredited to a for- 
eign sovereign, particulary an absolute one. he is accred- 
ited to a party competent to form an alliance without 
further delay or ulterior responsibility. While, on the 
other hand, our ministers to Panama will lie accredited to 
other ministers no more competenl than our own to pledge 
their governments. 

Further, it is particularly to he observed, that an al- 
liance with any one of the new republics would be fully 
as entangling as an alliance with them all. They are all 
at war and with the same enemy. They stand in an al- 
liance, offensive and defensive, with each other. Precisely 
the same consequences, therefore, would result from the 
formation of an alliance with either of them. Colombia for 
instance, as with all of them. If then the danger of being 
drawn into an alliance requires us to abstain from attend- 
ing the Congress at Panama, the same danger with equal 
force requires us to withdraw all diplomatic connections 
with these new States. 

But in truth, this suggestion of the danger of an alli- 
ance incident to a diplomatic mission carries with it so 
direct a reflection on the wisdom and fidelity of the treaty- 
making power as lodged in the hands of the President and 
Senate that the Committee, out of proper respect to 
the co-ordinate branches of the Government, will not 
longer consider it. 

Another objection to the proposed mission may be, that 
the Congress is an unprecedented measure, and that our at- 
tendance at it would, on our part, be a novel and unpre- 
cedented step. A little reflection will show, that this as- 
sumption, as far as it forms an objection to our attendance 



90 

at the Congress, involves a confusion of ideas. The es- 
tablishment of several new republics at once may be called 
an unprecedented event ; and as a historical occurrence 
without a parallel in the history of the world. But the com- 
mittee can not admit that every subsequent political act 
of these new States, or of other States, in reference to 
them is therefore to be called novel and unprecedented, 
and that in an injurious sense of the words. On the con- 
trary, it appears to the committee exceedingly natural 
that these States should hold diplomatic conferences with 
each other and neighboring nations who have important 
relations with them. Nothing, perhaps, is more frequent 
in political history than similar meetings among friendly 
States. 

Nor when the subject is correctly viewed is there any- 
thing in principle, novel or unprecedented, in our attend- 
ance at the proposed Congress. As a merely historical 
event indeed it may be considered as withorit an exact 
precedent, although the negotiations between the United 
States, France, and Great Britain in 1782, which resulted 
in the treaties of peace between the several countries, were 
of the nature of the conferences of a meeting of diplomatic 
agents. It will also not escape the reflection of the House, 
that, had this Government ever acted on the principle 
that exact precedent was necessary to authorize its meas- 
ures, no one of the most important measures of the Gov- 
ernment, since the date of the constitution could have 
been adopted. Whatever weight there is in the mere 
argument of want of exact precedents applied in its full 
force to the adoption of the Federal constitution itself. 
The whole history of the world contained no precedent of 
such a government. 

But, in point of principle, there is no novelty in our at- 
tendance at the proposed Congress at Panama.' Cur min- 
isters will carry with them the same powers — no larger, no 
more discretionary— that have ever been vested in the for- 
eign ministers of the United States. It has been the char- 
acteristic policy of the United States, to ask no ques- 
tions about the quality or constitution of the power to 
which our ministers were sent. We have rested for our se- 



91 

curity, not on a timid calculation of the powers of the 
Government, or of the body with which our ministers 
were to treat, but on our constitutional safeguards at 
home. Tt has been indifferent to us whether Europe wereal 
peace or at war: or by what title her sovereigns filled their 
thrones. To instance in a single case : We Lave sent mis- 
sions to France alike under the ancient absolute mon- 
archy, limited monarchy, and revolutionary anarchy • to 
the convention and to the directory; to the consular 
and the imperial despotisms, and to the present constitu- 
tional Government. The posture of affairs which our 
ministers have found in that country lias often been 
novel ; their personal position unprecedented, the scenes 
they witnessed strange and unexampled. But of none of 
our successive missions could it have been said, in any 
important sense, that the mission itself was novel; that 
is. that it opened a door to any relaxation of the constitu- 
tional checks in the administration of the foreign affairs 
of the Government at home. In like manner, the mission 
to Panama is in the strictest conformity with our whole 
international policy, which is to be represented wherever 
we have important political and commercial connections. 
Our commissioners will go there to do the business of the 
country. Their appearance at that meeting can not surely 
have the effect of breaking down the Senate and House of 
Representatives, and by a kind of dictatorial power un- 
known to the Constitution, of binding the country in a 
foreign alliance. 

Lastly, it may be objected that, in a congress of assem- 
bled powers, there is something essentially pernicious 
which this country, instead of approaching, ought to 
shun, and the existing organization in Continental Europe 
may be quoted as the illustration. The committee deem 
it hardly necessary to remark that the pernicious charac- 
ter of the late European congresses, or of any European 
congresses, does not consist in the act of assembling and 
treating together, but in the character of the governments 
assembled, and in the objects effected or aimed at, A 
congress of despotic powers, wielding the force of large 
standing armies, and meeting to concert measures for 



92 

violent interference in the internal affairs of other States, 
is certainly a pernicious assembly. In other words, 
despotic governments, standing armies, and unprovoked 
invasion are pernicious in a single state, and proportion- 
ably more so when several despotic governments league 
their forces to prevent the establishment of liberal insti- 
tutions in any country not beyond their reach. But if the 
states of Europe were free republics, blessed with popular 
governments, written laws, elective magistrates, and sena- 
torial bodies beyond the reach of corruption, the com- 
mittee do not perceive that a meeting of the diplomatic 
agents of such governments, to form treaties and conven- 
tions, on their mutual interests and concerns that are to 
be sent home to their constitutional ratifying function- 
aries, would be in any degree alarming. Moreover, it is 
an obvious reflection that this argument against the mis- 
sion to Panama, if it prove anything, proves too much. 
If the pernicious character of the power to which the mis- 
sion is to be sent is a reason for not sending it, it would 
be impossible for the United States to maintain a single 
mission in Europe. Our ministers there are, in every 
case, accredited to governments constructed, as we think, 
on principles which could not be introduced here without 
immediate national ruin. If it be safe for us to hold dip- 
lomatic intercourse with the unlimited monarchy of Rus- 
sia, it can not be dangerous to hold the same kind of 
intercourse with an assembly of the agents of our neigh- 
boring republics. 

Having thus considered the objections which may exist 
to this measure, and endeavored to show that it is strictly 
within the line of the international policy of the United 
States, the committee regard it as their duty to the House, 
on the present occasion, to dwell for a moment on the sub- 
jects of discussion at the Congress of Panama. 

By the terms of the invitation, as well as the nature of 
the case, the discussions at Panama are to extend to all 
subjects of importance to the new states, as among each 
other ; or, as between them and Spain ; or of importance 
directly to us, in our connection with them. 

Each power is at liberty to propose what subject for 



93 

discussion or negotiation it may please ; the only limita- 
tion being that which the United States impose on them- 
selves, with the understanding of the other powers that 
we are to engage in no discussions inconsistent with an 
entire neutrality. 

Although in different degrees, the three classes of sub- 
jects above enumerated are interesting to the people of 
the United States. The relations of the new states to 
each other are very important to us. They are our near 
neighbors — one of them has an immense landed frontier 
on our territory, and together with tin- two next in geo- 
graphical succession lies on those waters into which the 
great internal communications of the United States are 
discharged. With the others, we have no direct geo- 
graphical but we have highly important commercial con- 
nections. 

At present there are eight or nine independent States 
formed out of the late Spanish and Portuguese colonies; 
seven of these, viz. Mexico. Guatemala. Colombia, the 
provinces of La Plata, Chili, Peru, and Upper Peru have 
adopted republican governments. Now. it is to us a 
matter of very great interest how these States shall stand 
toward each other. Should they fall into dissensions and 
wars those great advantages which we have reasonably 
promised ourselves from their growth and prosperity could 
not be realized. The great drawbacks <>n the progress of 
these States and on the extension of advantageous com- 
mercial relations with them arising from the war with 
Spain would be perpetuated by the growth of tends and 
conflicts with each other. It would have been as well for 
us and for themselves that the mother conntry had con- 
tinued to rule them as that their energies should lie wasted 
in civil wars. The committee do not intend to augur un- 
favorably for the peace and harmony of these States, but 
it is obvious that the simultaneous rise of so many neigh- 
boring independent republics must be attended with its 
hazards. Rival claims to portions of territory may form 
a subject of contention among the new States as they did 
in our own Confederacy after the war of the Revolution. 
A controversy of this kind has actually arisen between 



94 

Mexico and Guatemala, which the committee trust will he 
settled by friendly compromise, for few events could be 
more to be deprecated by us than a war between two States 
lying on and near the Gulf of Mexico. Unfortunately a 
controversy of the same kind has broken out into a war 
between Brazil and the United Provinces of La Plata for 
the disputed possession of the Banda Oriental. The effect 
of this war on us has been instantaneous. 

It has already become necessary to ask for an additional 
appropriation for the naval service of the year of near 
$100,000 to protect the property and lives of our citizens 
from the dangers to Avhich, in the progress of this war, 
they will be exposed. Now. it has been expressly provided 
in the treaties which led to the formation of the Congress 
of Panama, that the ministers there assembled should 
exei'cise the office of mediators when such differences shall 
arise. Brazil and La Plata have both been invited to the 
Congress ; and had it been in active operation, it certainly 
is within the reach of political probability, that this un- 
fortunate controversy might, by friendly mediation, have 
been prevented from ripening into the fatal issue of war. 
To the work of mediation, in all such cases, the United 
States would come as the most disinterested party ; and as 
we ourselves have experienced the benefits of the mediation 
of a foreign friendly power, it may happen that we may 
render the like good office to our sister States. Could we 
but in a single instance avert or terminate a war, it would 
itself form a sufficient motive for accepting the invitation. 
We claim no right of interference ; we do not obtrude 
ourselves as umpires. We are invited'to a congress where 
we are told these national differences, if any arise, will be 
discussed ; we are told that our presence, counsel, and ex- 
perience are desired. No maxim of the most cautious 
political prudence bids us stand aloof. Next to peace on 
( mi- own part, their peace and prosperity are our leading 
interest ; and the policy of maintaining peace through the 
instrumentality of friendly mediation is entirely congenial 
with the principles and feelings of the people of the United 
States of America, and sanctioned by their practice. 

The next general class of subjects to be discussed at the 



95 

Congress of Panama are the relations of the new states with 
Spain. This subject, it is expressly stipulated, is only to 
be approached by our ministers under the reservation of 
strict neutrality. More than this, our great efforts will 
be directed to pacification. The policy of the United States 
in this respect is sufficiently unfolded in the letter of the 
Secretary of State to Mr. Middleton, dated May 10, L825, 
and the letter of the Secretary of State to Mr. Sala/.ar. 
dated December 20, L825. Pacifications between the bel- 
ligerents is an object which it is our most decided interest 
to pursue. No single political event perhaps could lie 
named more desirable to the United States, in reference to 
their industrious interests, than the termination of the 
present contest. We suffer every way by its continuance; 
our commerce with Spain languishes, and it is impossible 
that it should assume a profitable expansion with the new 
States. 

Connected with the belligerent relations between Spain 
and the new States is the fate of the Spanish Islands, par- 
ticularly Cuba. If the war continues, the invasion of 
that island will he attempted ; it is an avowed subject of 
discussion at the Congress. This is a subject of the great- 
est moment to the United States in every respect. We 
have an intercourse with thai island which acts upon our 
industry in all its branches. The Moro may he regarded 
as a fortress at the mouth of the Mississippi; and what is 
infinitely more important, unless Cuba should he invaded 
by an overwhelming force (such a, force as the new States 
will hardly be able to organize), that invaluable island 
may renew, almost within sight of our shores, the terrific 
example of San Domingo. Any effort on the part of the 
United States to avert such a catastrophe would be cheaply 
made; none could he justifiably omitted. Had tl\c Gov 
eminent of the United States, after being invited to at- 
tend a conference of the ministers of the powers by whom 
that invasion is projected, declined to be present, they 
would have been heavily responsible to the people for 
whatever disastrous effects our friendly interference mighi 
have averted or delayed. 

The last general class of subjects to he discussed and 



96 

treated at Panama are the direct interests between the 
United States and the new Republics, unquestionably, as 
far as we are concerned, the most important branch of the 
negotiations. With several of these powers we have no 
treaty whatever. With Mexico, as appears from the cor- 
respondence between the Secretary of State and Mr. Poin- 
sett, we have been unable as yet to form a treaty on sat- 
isfactory conditions, and the obstacles which have hitherto 
prevented this from being done are precisely such as are 
most likely to be removed at a conference of ministers of 
all the new States. At such a conference we shall, of 
course, possess the best opportunity of establishing uni- 
form and liberal relations with all. The arrangements to 
be made with them comprehend the great principles of 
belligerent, neutral, and commercial law as set forth in 
the general instructions to Mr. Anderson, by the then Sec- 
retary of State. The United States have long been labor- 
ing to introduce into every branch of public law principles 
of liberality, equality, and humanity, hitherto unknown 
in its codes. The various respects in which our policy, in 
many leading points of the laws of war and trade, differs 
from that of Europe are well known to the House, and 
need not here be stated. The Republic of Colombia, in 
inviting our attendance at the congress, has asked for her- 
self and her sister Republics the benefit of our experience 
in the great school of international politics. To refuse our 
attendance at the congress, when urged on this ground, 
would be to neglect to seize, perhaps, the fairest oppor- 
tunity which the history of the world ever afforded of giv- 
ing a wide and prompt diffusion to liberal doctrines of 
public law. It would certainly put it out of oirr power to 
complain of any policy these States might adopt, however 
unfriendly toward our interests and however vicious in 
principle. 

Such are the views of the committee with respect to the 
several classes of subjects which will be discussed at this 
congress. It is a very obvious reflection that our attend- 
ance may have a powerful effect in giving a character to 
the assembly itself. Our presence is particulaidy requested 
by one of the new States, who have joined in the invita- 



97 

fcion, on the ground of "the importance and respectabil- 
ity" which would thence attach to the congress. The 
committee do not foresee the possibility that, under any 
circumstances, the congress could becomean inconvenient 
or dangerous assembly. But if it be thought by any one 
that evil consequences are like "y to flow from it, the pros- 
pect of such consequences would furnish new reasons why 
we should be represented at it. Whatever opinions may 
be held of the expediency of such a meeting in itself, it 
would seem that there could be bui one opinion as to the 
duty of our attendance at the congress to correct the per- 
nicious tendency which it may be feared to have. To neg- 
lect to attend the congress because it was a combination 
of unfriendly aspect would be to neglect the ordinary prep- 
arations of defense, precisely because there was danger 
of war. Viewing the Congress at Panama in this un favor- 
able light (for which, however, the committee apprehend 
there is no reason), no administration of the executive 
government would stand justified to the country without 
taking measures most promptly to be informed of its pro- 
ceedings. If not invited to send authorized and accredited 
ministers, it would have been their duty to send private 
political agents. 

The committee have felt it their duty to consider this 
question chiefly on strict grounds of political expediency. 
and in reference to the principle of our diplomatic inter- 
course. They, however, accord in sentiment with the 
President, that a sufficient inducement to accept the invi- 
tation would have been "to meet in the spirit of kiudno s 
and friendship an overture made in that spirit by three 
sister republics of this hemisphere." It will not escape 
the consideration of the House that the conduct of the 
United States toward the new republics has ever been reg- 
ulated by the maxims of a frank and liberal policy. Had 
we acted toward them even as we have felt it our duty to 
act toward Europe, our course would have been essentially 
different. Had our feelings toward them been the same 
as those which our political fathers have inculcated toward 
Europe, we should certainly have regarded it rather as an 
evil than a benefit that so many new republics, of which 
7pa 



98 

the greater part must be powerful States, are rising into 
existence on the same side of the water as ourselves. We 
are henceforward to be without that which has formerly 
been regarded as the great bulwark of our national se- 
curity, our geographical distance from every other pow- 
erful State. 

But we have not hesitated to break down this bulwark. 
We have gone to meet and welcome the new republics. 
We have ourselves assisted to exchange weak colonial for 
powerful sovereign neighbors. As far as it depended on 
lis, we have chosen to place the regions on our immense 
southwestern frontier beneath the government of vig< ir- 
ons republican institutions, instead of having them under 
the safe and enervating despotism of Spain. In the judg- 
ment of the committee, this has been a sound, a great, an 
auspicious policy. It was not rashly adopted ; it was 
long deliberated, well weighed, and at length received its 
sanction in the unanimous voice of this House, and the 
acclamations of the people. From this policy it is now too 
late to recede. We can not now do much to obstruct the 
growth of the new States ; we can do everything to con- 
ciliate and attach them, or to estrange and disgust them. 
The course first will promote the general cause of liberty, 
will perpetuate friendly relations between the two great 
portions of this continent, to the mutual advantage of 
both, and will render us more and more independent of 
Europe. The latter course will tend to revive in the New 
World the false and pernicious maxims of the Old ; to 
teach neighboring republics to fix on each other the fatal 
name of natural enemies ; to create piratical and border 
wars ; to generate systems of exclusion ; and, finally, to 
establish in this hemisphere those political principles 
and habits which have caused the downfall of so many 
foreign States, made so many others stationary and lan- 
guishing, and checked the growth of all. We are now to 
consider whether we will take the first step in an un- 
friendly and repulsive, policy, by refusing to accept the 
courteous invitation of three most respectable neighbor- 
ing governments, tendered in a manner equally creditable 
to their delicacy and flattering to the United States, 



99 

Nothing but a certainty of pernicious consequences to 
result from our attendance at the congress, would, in the 
opinion of the committee, be sufficient to justify our re- 
fusal to accept such an invitation. As our attendance at 
the congress, instead of being prejudicial to the public 
interests, is, in the judgment of the committee, a measure 
of the most obvious political expedience ; as it is stipu- 
lated to bring into no hazard the neutrality of the United 
States ; as all fears of an entangling alliance have been 
shown to be unfounded ; in a word, as the congress will 
be regarded by the Executive of the United States as 
purely a consultative meeting, and as t lie objects of con- 
sulation are of primary importance to the country, the 
Committee of Foreign Affairs are of opinion that the 
mission to Panama ought to receive the sanction of the 
House of Representatives, and they accordingly recom- 
mend the adoption of the following resolution : 

Resolved, That, in the opinion of the House, it is ex- 
pedient to appropriate the funds necessary to enable the 
President of the United States to send ministers to the 
Congress of Panama. 



Extract of a letter from Mr. Clay to Mr. Poinsett, minister 
to Mexico. 

Department op State, September 24, 1825. 
During the last spring the ministers of Mexico and 
Colombia near this Government made separate but nearly 
simultaneous communications to this Department, in rela- 
tion to the contemplated Congress at Panama. Each of 
them stated that he was instructed by his Government to 
say that it would be very agreeable to it that the United 
States should be represented at that congress ; that it was 
not expected they would take any part in its deliberations 
or measures of concert in respect to the existing war 
against Spain, but that other great interests affecting the 
continent of America, and the friendly intercourse be- 
tween the independent nations established on it, might be 
considered and regulated at the congress, and that, not 
knowing what might be the views of the United States, a 



100 

previous inquiry was directed to be made, whether they 
would, if invited by Mexico or Colombia, be represented 
at Panama, and if an affirmative answer were given, each 
of those ministers stated that the United States would be 
accordingly invited to be represented there. 

The President directed me to say, and I accordingly re- 
plied, that the communication was received with great 
sensibility to the friendly consideration of the United 
States, by which it had been dictated; that, of course, they 
could not make themselves a party to the existing war 
with Spain, or to councils for deliberating on the means 
of its further prosecution; that he believed such a Congress 
as was proposed might be highly useful in settling several 
important controverted questions of public law and in ar- 
ranging other matters of deep interest to the American 
continent and to the friendly intercourse between the Amer- 
ican powers; that before such a Congress, however, assem- 
bled it appeared to him tobe necessary to arrange between 
the different powers to be represented several preliminary 
points, such as the subjects to which the attention of the 
Congress should be directed, the nature and the form of 
the powers to be given to the ministers, and the mode of 
organizing the Congress. If these preliminary points 
could be adjusted in a manner satisfactory to the United 
States, the ministers from Mexico and Colombia were in- 
formed that the United States would be represented at the 
Congress. Upon inquiry if these preliminary points had 
yet engaged the attention of either the Government of 
Mexico or Colombia, they were unable to inform me that 
they had, whilst both appeared to admit the expediency 
of their being settled. Each of them undertook to com- 
municate to his Government the answer which I delivered 
to their invitations, and nothing further has since trans- 
pired. It is deemed proper that you should be made ac- 
quainted with what has occurred here on this matter in 
order that if it should be touched upon by the Mexican 
Government you may, if necessary, be able to communi- 
cate what passed. We shall make no further movement 
in it until we hear from the Governments of Mexico or 
Colombia. 



101 
Extract of a letter from Mr. Poinsett to Mr. Clay. 

Legation op the United States of America, 

Mexico, August 26, 1826. 

The plenipotentiaries from Panama have not yet reached 
this city. It is now confidently asserted that those from 
Mexico were instructed to propose the removal of the 
Congress to Yucatan, or some other point in these States. 
Upon their arrival I shall endeavor to learn the precise 
nature of the secret convention concluded at Panama. 
In all probability it relates to the invasion of Cuba and 
Porto Rico. 

I send herewith a translation of the speech of the presi- 
dent of the Congress of Panama on the installation of 
that assembly. 



INSTALLATION OF THE AMERICAN CONGRESS. 

Panama, June 22, 1820. 

This day may be called the day of America. From this 
day the people enjoy freely their political liberty and each 
individual conforms to his social compacts. A strict and 
eternal bond unites the four Republics of Colombia, Guate- 
mala, Mexico, and Peru. All engage mutually to assist 
each other against their foreign oppressors and against 
those who may attempt to infringe the rights they have 
recovered. 

To preserve a perfect equality the presidency was de- 
cided by lot, as was the order of signatures. The names 
of the Most Excellent Senors Pedro Gual, minister of 
state and of exterior relations of Colombia; Antonio Larra- 
zabal, plenipotentiary of the Holy Cathedral Church of 
Guatemala; Don Manuel Lorenzo de Vidaurre, president of 
the supreme court of justice of Peru and decorated with 
the medal of Bene-meritos of his country ; Don Jose" de 
Michelena. brigadier-general in the armies of Mexico ; 
Pedro Briceno Mendez, brigadier-general in the armies of 
Colombia and of the liberators of Venezuela and Cundi- 
namarca; Pedro Molina, plenipotentiary from Central 
America ; Don Manuel Perez Tudela, attorney-general of 



102 

the supreme court of justice of Peru, and Don Jose" Do- 
minguez, regent of the tribunal of justice of Guanaxuato, 
will be repeated forever with respect as the most eminent 
defenders of our liberty and independence. 

Blessed be the God of Justice, who, in recompense of 
our toils and slavery, has vouchsafed to us forever the 
means of being happy. 



ADDRESS OF DON MANUEL LORENZO DE VIDUARRE, TO THE 
PLENIPOTENTIARIES OF THE AMERICAN STATES ASSEM- 
BLED AT PANAMA. 

The inhabitants of the Americas which were formerly 
Spanish, will cover themselves with infamy, in the eyes of 
all known nations, if they fail to promulgate such wise, 
equitable, and just laws as will insure their present felicity, 
and that of their descendants, for many generations. 

Restored to the state of nature, free and independent, in 
perfect possession of all their rights, and of that free will 
given to them by the Sublime Author of all beings, they 
are more perfect than in the early days of , the creation. 
Then, man could not be prudent, because he had no expe- 
rience ; he could not avoid evil, because he knew it not ; 
he was incapable of enjoyment, because he was ignorant 
of pain or pleasure. Now. in the exercise of his perfected 
faculties, he distinguishes that which is justice and that 
which is injustice ; the useful and agreeable from the 
pernicious and troublesome ; security from danger ; the 
fruition of continued moderate pleasure, from delights 
momentary though intense. The overthrow of a thousand 
empires, the flux and reflux of riches throughout all parts 
of the known world, the destruction of some cities and the 
elevation of others, the rise and fall of States, all are 
lessons of which he may profit, all are rules offered to 
to him to guide his present conduct. 

Among the many physical, moral, and political revolu- 
tions which history relates and philosophers have ex- 
amined, our own is unexampled. Dynasties succeeded 



103 

each other in China from the time of Fo-hi until the Tar- 
tars seized the throne ; the Egyptians number three hun- 
dred and forty-one generations to the days of Lethon ; 
the Persians succeeded the Medes, as these had succeeded 
the Assyrians; the Romans took the place of all; a cloud 
of locusts sallies forth from the North and takes possession 
of the South of Europe; Columbus discovers a new world; 
Cortez, Pizarro, and other criminal adventurers dethrone 
sovereigns, and seize upon a fourth part of the globe. 
Human nature has not advanced; she is every day more a 
slave to the shameful passions of a few and an accomplice 
in their crimes by a stupid passive obedience, which blinds 
her to a sense of her degradation and almost causes her 
to forget her noble origin; dynasties are changed, but not 
the vices of government. Even when the Greek, the Ro- 
man, the Carthagenian of antiquity appear devoted to 
liberty, they are unsteady, inconstant, suspicious, envious, 
discontented with their own territories; great warriors, 
but bad citizens. I only see in them vices under different 
aspects, and a chain of evils and misfortunes. Let them 
rejoice in Marathon and Salamis; still the Athenian is 
panic stricken at hearing that the walls of the Pireus are 
doomed to destruction and to be leveled with the earth; 
the sons of Thebes weep over their fallen country; the 
Emilian sheds tears in seeing Carthage in ashes, because 
it prognosticates that barbarians are to sack Rome; her 
precious monuments will be delivered over to the flames, 
and her famished sons will rush through her streets seek- 
ing for bread or death. The time had not yet come when 
men were to be happy. The sublime theory of rights and 
obligations had not yet been discovered; countries were 
defended, but not individuals. 

I look upon the English as the first who labored for the 
rights of man. Their ancient charter, extorted by force 
from John Santerre, and their progress through several 
centuries, to the time of William III, show that we 
ought to consider them as the discoverers of the great po- 
litical system. The Anglo-American must confess that 
the lights he received from his fathers directed him in his 
struggle, and conducted him to the haven where he re- 



104 

poses under the shade of the tree of just and moderate 
liberty. 

Our situation, however, is still more fortunate. We 
have before us, in pictures perfectly executed, the errors 
and the knowledge, the virtues and the vices, of seventy- 
two centuries. The union of the Swiss, the constancy of 
the Dutch, the prudence of the North Americans, the 
atrocities of the French Revolution, the parties of the Bel- 
gic provinces, and even our own, are models which we are 
to keep in view, that we may follow the examples of some 
and detest those of others. 

The great American Congress, which is to be a council 
in great conflicts, a faithful interpreter of treaties, a medi- 
ator in domestic disputes, and charged with the formation 
of our new international law, finds itself invested with all 
the powers necessary to accomplish the noble, grand, and 
singular object for Avhich it is convoked. All the precious 
materials have been collected beforehand. The whole 
world is about to witness our labors, and to examine them 
with deliberation. From the first sovereign to the last 
inhabitant of the austral regions there is not one indiffer- 
ent to our task. This perhaps may be the last experiment 
that will be tried to ascertain whether mankind is capable 
of being happy. Fellow-laborers, the field of glory has been 
laid open to us by Bolivar, San Martin, O'Higgins, Guada- 
lupe, and many other heroes superior to Hercules and 
Theseus. Our names are to be written either with immor- 
tal praise or eternal opprobrium. Let us elevate ourselves 
above a thousand millions of inhabitants, and may a noble 
pride inspire us, assimilating us to the Deity himself, on 
that day when he gave the first laws to the universe. 

Warmed by a divine fire, and fixing my eyes steadily on 
the Author of the Universe, the most enormous difficulties 
appear /to me trivial. Few, but solid, are the bases on which 
our confederation is to be founded. Peace with all the 
world ; respect to the established governments of Europe, 
although they be diametrically opposed to those generally 
adopted in our America ; a free commerce with all nations 
and a great diminution of duties in favor of those which 
have, recognized us ; religious toleration towards such as 



105 

observe different rites from thos. ■ which we have established 
by our several constitutions. Alt ! nearly thirty-three mill- 
ions of victims sacrificed by fanaticism from the time of 
the Hebrews to the beginning of the preseul century. 
These teach us to be humane, pacific, and compassionate, 
even towards those who walk in very different paths. Let 
the stranger come; whatever may be his mode of worship 
he will he admitted, respected, protected, if his morality, 
which is true religion, is not contrary to that taught by 
our Christ. Let them be our masters in agriculture and 
the arts. Let the sad and despairing countenance of the 
African, oppressed with the chains of force and power, 
disappear from our fields Let him see at his side a man 
of that color which he had believed a mark of superiority. 
He begins to be rational when he perceives that he is dis- 
tinguished in nothing from other men. Immortal Pitt ! 
eloquent Fox! interrupt for a moment your repose, lift 
your heads from the tomb and behold with admiration 
that the countries formerly enslaved are those which most 
venerate your philanthropic maxims. 

With respect to ourselves, there are two terrible, hidden 
rocks. One, the desire of aggrandizement of some states 
at the cost and to the injury of others ; the second, the 
risk that some ambitious man may aspire to tyrannize over 
his fellow men and enslave them. I fear both cases as 
much as I despise the threats of the feeble Spaniards. I 
can not extinguish the passions, nor would it be well to ex- 
tinguish them. That man forever aspiring to something 
above him ! That man never content with what he pos- 
sesses ! He has ever been unjust, and shall we convert 
him suddenly to a love of justice ? I trust so. He has 
experienced the ravages caused by extravagant desires. 

Sully and Henry IV formed the project of a tri- 
bunal in order to prevent in Europe the first of these dan- 
gers. In our days Gordon wrote a treatise upon the same 
subject. This Diet realizes the praiseworthy intentions of 
the kings and of philosophers. Let us avoid war by re- 
ducing everything to mediations. The effect of war is 
conquest. One state is augmented by reducing that 
of the vanquished. Montesquieu explained what it really 



106 



was ; Debonaire what it ought to be. Napoleon, by every 
fresh victory, acquired new territories for France. An 
arrow cast into our fields or mountains will be an horrid 
sound, which will be heard throughout the continent and 
over all the islands. And about what shall we dispute ? 
Our productions are the growth of every soil; our terri- 
tories are immense; our ports secure and excellent. One 
republic need not envy the other. Will the shepherd of a 
thousand sheep go forth to rob the little flock of his neigh- 
bor? What injustice ! The Diet will not consent to it. 

As it frequently happens that wars spring from alliances, 
it appears that America will only enter into them with the 
common consent of all the contracting parties. I suspend 
my opinion, because that would be to prejudge the decis- 
ions. 

The second danger is provided for by very simple rules : 
First, let the confederated governments guaranty each 
other's liberty and independence. Second, never let an 
individual be intrusted with more power than is neces- 
sary to accomplish the purpose for which it was granted. 
Third, the greater the power the shorter time it ought 
to be enjoyed, if this is compatible with its intent. 
Fourth, that he to whom power is confided be made to de- 
pend upon that part of the nation which is disarmed. 
Fifth, not to maintain standing armies except in time of 
actual war. Sixth, to avoid this dreadful evil, irreconcil- 
able with the domestic tranquillity of society, by every 
means in our power, and which honor and prudence dic- 
tate. 

It does not escape me that in a corner of the Escurial 
or of Aranjuez plans are forming for new expeditions. 
An event I deem almost impossible. The history of Spain 
furnishes us with proofs. Could Philip II, his son, or 
grandson subjugate Holland ? Could Philip IV recover 
Portugal ? Could Catalonia have been restored had it 
not been for the generosity of France ? Has Gibraltar 
returned into the hands of the Spaniards ? Has Jamaica 
been restored ? The history of treaties may be called 
that of the renunciation of Spain. What was gained in 
Pavia and San Quintin was lost in that of Vervins, West- 



10? 

phalia, the Pyrenees, Nineguen, Aix-la-Chapelle, and all 
tli.it have been concluded up to the present day. The 
Floridas, which were acquired by the treaty of Paris, the 
United States compelled her to rede by force. 

Let us call to mind some circumstances. Philip II 
consented that his troops should live at free quarters 
and drive the Dutch to desperation. Charles II had 
to take up loans at 15 per cent, and to sell the vice- 
royalties of Peru and Mexico to carry on his wars. 
This was when the sun never went down in the dominions 
of the kings of Spain, and when they were obeyed im- 
plicitly. Of what importance are they now ? Without 
colonies, without internal union, and the Peninsiila garri- 
soned by an hundred thousand French. I am well aware 
in what manner the expedition against us was formed which 
sailed in Cadiz in the year 1 820. In that were employed 
the indemnities paid by the French, the private purse of 
the King, and their last resources. All have been ex- 
hausted. There are no vessels ; the last rotten hulks have 
been sent to the Havana. There are no arms, nor any 
disposition on the part of the Spaniards to come and perish 
in these countries by the lance or the rigor of the climate. 

It is not my wish that we persuade ourselves to disarm. 
Quite the contrary. Let our land and naval forces be in- 
creased ; but do not let this be done that they may remain 
in inaction in garrison. Let us strike a blow against this 
obstinate nation which shall make her tremble. To wait 
until she attacks is to wait for the Messiah ; it is to be 
eternally armed. Let us compel our enemy to abandon 
his rashness and caprice. All Europe disapproves his con- 
duct. Even the princes of the house of Bourbon do not 
natter him on this subject. No nation feels an interest 
that Spain should continue the war ; the general wish is for 
peace. Without this, the uniform course of commerce is 
frequently interrupted, to the great prejudice of all indus- 
trious and commercial nations. How different was the 
position of England when she recognized the independ- 
ence of the United States. May the prudent English lead 
the blind Spaniards! 

So long as he resists the mediation of those powers that 



LOS 

protect us, let the products of his soil and manufactures of 
every sort be entirely prohibited. Let them be confiscated 
wherever they may be found ; and let those who may be 
convicted of having broken a law, which we are compelled 
to adopt, lose the cargo. 

Destroy completely the manufactures of Valencia and 
Barcelona. Without a market let the industry of Spain 
be paralyzed. Let Ferdinand VII be persuaded that if, by 
withholding his recognition, he compels us to incur pro- 
digious expenses by maintaining armies, he likewise de- 
stroys the remnant of a miserable kingdom, torn to pieces, 
as it is, by discord, and prostrated under the yoke of a 
foreign nation. 

If ever he was amenable to reason founded in strict 
justice; if he can persuade himself that he can not recover 
what he knew not how to preserve ; if he be convinced 
that he has in the Americas neither friends nor places 
of asylum, — then the feeling American would express him- 
self in a different manner. We never will buy our inde- 
pendence. The name of liberty would be shocking to us. 
We are constituted into states, with rights equal to those 
possessed by the European. We are men voluntarily united 
in society, and subject only to those compacts which, in the 
exercise of our free will, we have formed. If Ferdinand 
VII recognizes them, let him enter into a generous 
reconciliation which is offered him. Let us forget the im- 
mense evils he has occasioned us, and the period of peace 
be that of the sincerest union. We continue the war 
against our inclination and against our character ; if not 
dishonorably, we will terminate it with the liveliest pleas- 
ure. 

But, gentlemen, this recognition is not the circumstance 
which most interests us. Holland became very wealthy and 
achieved conquests before she was acknowledged. The 
Swiss formed alliances with the sovereigns of Europe be- 
fore the house of Austria recognized them. The existence 
of a state does not depend upon being recognized ; that 
serves only to open foreign relations. The existence of a 
nation depends upon its interior political organization. 
Let us possess that, so that it may be the interest of the 



L09 

whole .world to hold communication with us. Let tis pre- 
serve our dignity ; let us not admil foreigners who do not 
( nine authorized in due diplomatic form: let us not con- 
sent that other flags shall be displayed in our ports than 
those of the kingdoms and republics where ours are ad- 
mitted. 

Above all. lei us form one family ; let the names which 
distinguished our respective countries be at an cud. ami 
let us adopt the general one of brothers; lei us carry on 
commerce without obstacles and without prohibitions ; let 

American g Is pass every custom-house unexamined: 

let us give to each other continued proofs of confidence, 
disinterestedness, and sincere friendship; let us form one 
code of public law, which may become the admiration of 
the civilized world. By that, an injury done to one State 
is understood to he done to all. As in a well-organized 
society, what is committed against one citizen, interests 
the rest of the Republic. Let us solve the problem of 
which is the best of the governments. Each individual 
enjoying the greatesl portion of good, and the nation the 
most perfect prosperity. Itis beyond doubt that which 
reaches the climax of that happiness which human nature 
is capable of enjoying. 

And when, having concluded our labors, we retire to 
our homes, surrounded by our sons and grandsons, let us 
take the youngest of them in our arms, ami lifting him 
up as an offering to the Supreme Being, our cheeks bathed 
in rivers of tears. Id us make him. in his innocent lan- 
guage, pronounce a thanksgiving for the immense benefits 
we have received from sovereign justice. Let the Greek 
boast of his deeds in having left Troy in ashes: the repre- 
sentatives of the Republics may glory 'in having promul- 
gated laws which provide for universal peace with all 
nations and the internal felicity of those States which 
have this day met together, and which will endure to the 
eud of ages. 

Panama, 22d June. 1826 : First of the great Diet 
America. 

Manuel De Vidaurre. (Peru.) 



110 

Extracts of a letter from Mr. Poinsett to Mr. Clay. 

Legation of the United States, 

Mexico, September 6, 182G. 

I saw the Mexican deputies to the Congress of Panama 
this morning for the first time since their return. 

One of the articles of agreement between the new States 
is, that whenever the safety of America shall require a 
large force to be kept on foot the expense shall be defrayed 
by all parties. 

A meeting of the plenipotentiaries of the allied Repub- 
lics is to take place once every year in the month of Sep- 
tember so long as the common war continues, and every 
two years in time of peace. The plenipotentiaries are to 
remain in the place agreed upon for three months, which 
term may be prolonged for two months more, at the end 
of which period the sessions may be renewed; but during 
the war these plenipotentiaries can not leave the territory 
of the Republic wherein the meetings are held, so that 
they may meet together immediately if any extraordinary 
circumstance should require it. 

The congress will continue its negotiations in Tacubaya 
so soon as the ministers arrive who carried the treaties 
from Panama to their respective governments (eight 
months is the time fixed for exchanging these ratifications; 
six will probably elapse before these plenipotentiaries 
reach Mexico). 

The following is the substance of an additional article of 
the treaty of union, league, and perpetual confederation, 
concluded and signed at Panama : 

Whereas the contracting parties, desiring ardently to live at peace 
with all the nations of the universe, by avoiding all reasons for misun- 
derstanding which might arise from the exercise of the legitimate 
rights in peace and war, have agreed, and hereby agree that, immedi- 
ately on the ratification of the present treaty, they will proceed to fix 
by common agreement, all those points, rales, and principles, which are 
to govern their conduct in both cases, for which purpose they will re- 
new their invitation to the neutral and friendly powers that if they 
deem it expedient they may take an active part in these negotiations, 
and may be present by means of their plenipotentiaries in order to ad- 
just, conclude, and sign, such treaty of treaties as may be made for so 
important an object. 



Ill 

It would appear from this article that, although the ses- 
sions of the Congress of Panama have been removed to 
Tacubaya, the invitation is to be renewed to the neutral 
and friendly powers. At all events, our plenipotentiaries 
need not be here before the month of February next. 

The Mexican plenipotentiaries told me that they found 
no difficulty to induce a majority of the deputies of the 
Congress of Panama to remove to Tacubaya. 

The Isthmus is so sickly that they were all glad to re- 
move from Panama. 

I adverted, in the course of conversation, to the very 
extraordinary sentiments contained in Vidaurre's speech 
on the opening of the Congress. They assured me that 
Vidaurre never delivered that discourse, but published it 
without the knowledge of his colleagues; that on the fol- 
lowing day they, the Mexican plenipotentiaries, remon- 
strated verbally, both against the publication of that dis- 
course and against the sentiments it contained, and the 
Colombian plenipotentiaries delivered in a written pro- 
test to the same effect. 

I suggested the propriety of publishing a notice of 
what took place on that occasion, as the whole tenor of 
Vidaurre's discourse is calculated to produce an unfavor- 
able impression. I believe this will be done. Might 
it not be well to do so in our papers ? 

I shall probably learn the whole of the proceedings at 
Panama in a few days, and I will continue to send the in- 
formation as I collect it. 



[Translation.] 

The Colombian Ministt r to Mr. Clay. 

Legation of Colombia, 

Washington, November 20, 1826. 

Sir: I have received an order from the Government of 

Colombia to communicate to that of the United States that 

the great American assembly was installed on the 22d of 

June last, by the plenipotentaries of Peru, Mexico, Central 



112 

America, and Colombia. The necessity for the concur- 
rence of the legislature of Chile, which was not in session, 
to the nomination of plenipotentaries, had retarded their 
arrival at Panama. 

The assembly being installed, it was determined by lot 
in what order the confederated states should be named, 
and by common consent it was determined that the repre- 
sentatives of each should alternately hold the presidency 
for the direction of the discussions. These were conducted 
with that perfect harmony and concord which the great 
and important object in view should inspire; and the pre- 
paratory conferences and labors which preceded enabled 
the plenipotentiaries on the 15th of July last to sign : 

(1) A treaty of union, league, and perpetual confedera- 
tion between the four states represented, to which the 
other powers of America might have an opportunity to 
accede within one year. 

(2) A convention for the renewal of the great assembly 
annually in time of common war, and biennially during 
peace. 

(3) A convention which fixes the contingent which each 
confederate should contribute for the common defense. 

(1) An agreement concerning the employment and di- 
rection of those contingents. 

(5) Divers declarations that the treaties which Colom- 
bia had formerly concluded with the United Mexican 
States, Central America, and Peru, should be included in 
those treaties with certain reservations. 

Although the labors of the Congress were already so 
far advanced, the hazards occasioned by the climate of 
Panama to the plenipotentiaries, admonished them to re- 
solve upon a removal of the Congress to the town of Tacu- 
baya, near the City of Mexico, where they expect the 
minister whom the Government of the United States has 
resolved to send. 

I have the honor to renew to you the assurances of the 
high consideration and respect of 
Your most obedient servant, 

Jose Maria Salazar. 



113 

Mr. Clay's instructions to United States Delegates to tin 
( 'ongress at Panama. 

[Executive Journal, United States Senate, 1830 to 1837.] 

To the Senate and House of Representatives 

of the United States : 

I herewith transmit a copy of the instructions prepared 
by the Secretary of State and furnished to the ministers 
of the United States appointed to attend at the assembly 
of the American plenipotentiaries first held at Panama 
and then transferred to Tacubaya. The occasion upon 
which they were given has passed away and there is no 
present probability of the renewal of these negotiations, 
but the purpose for which they were intended arc still of 
the deepest interest to our country and to the world, and 
may hereafter call again for the active efforts and benefi- 
cent energies of the Government of the United States. 
The motives for withholding them from general publica- 
tion having ceased, justice to the Government from which 
they emanated, and to the people for whose benefit it was 
instituted, require that they should be made known. With 
this view, and from the consideration that the subjects 
embraced by these instructions must, probably, engage 
hereafter the deliberations of our successors, I deem it 
proper to make this communication to both houses of 
Congress. One copy only of the instructions being pre- 
pared, I send it to the Senate, requesting that it maybe 
transmitted to the House of Representatives. 

John Quincy Adams. 

Washington, March 3, 1829. 



instructions, general. 

Department of State, 
Washington, May 8, 1826. 
Gentlemen : The relations in which the United Stabs 
stand to the other American powers, and the duties, inter- 
ests, and sympathies which belong to those relations, have 
determined the President to accept an invitation which 
8 PA 



114 

lias been given by the Republics of Colombia, Mexico, and 
Central America to the United States to send representa- 
tives to the Congress at Panama. He could not, indeed, 
have declined an invitation proceeding from sources so 
highly respectable, and communicated in the most delicate 
and respectful manner, without subjecting the United 
States to the reproach of insensibility to the deepest con- 
cerns of the American Hemisphere, and perhaps to a want 
of sincerity in most important declai'ations, solemnly made 
by his predecessor, in the face of the Old and the New 
World. In yielding, therefore, to the friendly wishes of 
those three Republics, communicated in the notes of their 
respective ministers at Washington, of which copies are 
herewith, the United States act in-perfect consistency with 
all their previous conduct and professions in respect to the 
new American States. 

The assembling of a Congress at Panama composed of 
diplomatic representatives from independent American 
nations will form a new epoch in human affairs. The fact 
itself, whatever may be the issue of the conferences of 
such a congress, can not fail to challenge the attention 
of the present generation of the civilized world, and to 
command that of posterity. But the hope is confidently 
indulged that it will have other and stronger claims 
upon the regard of mankind than any which arise out of 
the mere circumstance of its novelty, and that it will en- 
title itself to the affection and lasting gratitude of all 
America, by the wisdom and liberality of its principles 
and by the new guaranties it may create for the great in- 
terests which will engage its deliberations. On an occasion 
so highly important and responsible the President has been 
desirous that the representation from the United States 
should be composed of distinguished citizens. Confiding 
in your zeal, ability, and patriotism, by and with the advice 
and consent of the Senate, he has selected you for this in- 
teresting service. And it is his wish that you shoiild pro- 
ceed with all practicable dispatch to Panama. For the 
purpose of carrying out Mr. Sergeant, the United States 
ship Lexington has been prepared and is now ready to 
sail from the port of New York to Porto Bello. Mr. An- 



115 

derson, having been notified of his appointment has been di- 
rected to leave the affairs of the United States at Bogota 
in the charge of such person as he may for that purpose des- 
ignate, and to join Mr. Sergeant at Porto Bello, from 
whence it is supposed that it will be most convenient to 
proceed by land across the Isthmus to Panama. Minis- 
ters from several of the powers have probably by this time 
reached that place and they may even have proceeded to a 
comparison of their respective credentials and to confer- 
ences on some of the objects of the congress, but it is prob- 
able they will have deferred until your arrival a consider- 
ation of those deliberations on which it was expected that 
we should take part. 

Your power, accompanying this letter, is joint and 
several, authorizing you to confer and treat with minis- 
ters also duly authorized from all or any of the American 
powers, of peace, friendship, commerce, navigation, mari- 
time law, neutral and belligerent rights, and i ither matters 
interesting to the continent of America. After the mutual 
exchange of powers, it will be necessary to determine the 
Conns of deliberation and the modes of proceeding of the 
congress. It is distinctly understood by the President 
that it is to be regarded in all respects as diplomatic in 
contradistinction to a body clothed with powers of ordi- 
nary legislation ; that is to say, no one of the States repre- 
sented is to be considered bound by any treaty, convention, 
pact, or act to which it does not subscribe and expressly 
assent by its acting representative, and that, in the instance 
of treaties, conventions, and pacts, they are to be returned 
for final ratification to each contracting State according 
to the provisions of its particular constitution. All idea 
is. therefore, excluded of binding a minority to agreements 
and acts contrary to its will, by the mere circumstance of 
the concurrence of a majority of the States in those agree- 
ments and acts. Each State will, consequently, be gov- 
erned and left free, according to its own sense of its 
particular interests. All notion is rejected of an amphic- 
tyonic council, invested with power finally to decide con- 
troversies between the American States or to regulate in 
any respect their conduct. Such a council might have 



116 

been well enough adapted to a number of small contracted 
States, whose united territory would fall short of the ex- 
tent of that of the smallest of the American powers. The 
complicated and various interests which appertain to the 
nations of this vast continent can not be safely confided to 
the superintendence of one legislative authority. We 
should almost as soon expect to see an amphictyonic coun- 
cil to regulate the affairs of the whole globe. But even if 
it were desirable to establish such a tribunal, it is beyond 
the competency of the Government of the United States 
voluntarily to assent to it, Avithout a previous change of 
their actual constitution. 

Although the speculation of such a council has been 
sometimes made and associated in the public papers with 
the contemplated congress, we can hardly anticipate that 
it will be seriously pressed by any of the powers. The 
congresses which have been so common in Europe, espe- 
cially within these later times, have been altogether 
diplomatic, and consequently the states whose ministers 
composed them were only bound by their signatures. 
With this necessary and indispensable restriction upon 
the action of the congress, great advantages may never- 
theless be derived from an assembly at the same time and 
place of ministers from all the American nations. Such 
an assembly will afford great facilities for free and friendly 
conferences for mutual and necessary explanations and for 
discussing and establishing some general principles appli- 
cable to peace and war, to commerce and navigation, with 
the sanction of all America. Treaties may be concluded 
in the course of a few months at such a congress, laying 
the foundation of lasting amity and good neighborhood, 
which it would require many years to consummate, if, in- 
deed, they would be at all practicable, by separate and suc- 
cessive negotiations conducted between the several powers 
at different times and places. Keeping constantly in view 
the essential character and object of the congress, which 
have been described, it is very important in what manner 
its conferences and discussions may be regulated. 

Experience has, perhaps, sufficiently established that, 
for precision, for safety to the negotiators themselves, and 



117 

tor an early practical result, it is wisest to proceed by pro- 
tocol, in which the mutual propositions of the parties, 
together with such concise observations as any of them 
desire to have, [in ■served, are carefully recorded. But you 
are left free to agree to that mode of proceeding, with the 
indispensable limitation before stated, which, under all 
circumstances, shall appear to you most advisable. Your 
] lower conveys an authority to treat with all or any of the 
nations repr sented at the congress of any of the subjects 
comprised in your instructions. And on those, especially, 
of commerce and navigation, maritime law, and neutral 
and belligerent rights, it is the President's wish that if 
those interests can not be adjusted satisfactorily to all the 
attending powers, you should form, nevertheless, treaties 
with such as may be disposed to conclude them with you. 
But in the conduct of any such separate negotiations you 
will carefully avoid giving any occasion of offense to those 
powers who may decline treating; and, if you should have 
st n »ng reason to believe that the fact itself of opening such 
separate negotiations would have the tendency of creating 
unfriendly feelings and relations with other American 
powers, you will decline entering on them altogether. 
You are also authorized to agree upon a transfer of the 
conferences from Panama to any other place on the Amer- 
ican continent that may be considered more eligible for 
conducting them. 

In now proceeding to direct your attention particularly 
to the instructions of the President, by which, after hav- 
ing settled the preliminary point to which I have just ad- 
verted, you will govern yourselves, the first observation to 
In' made is, that, in acceding to the invitation which lias 
been accepted, no intention has been entertained to change 
the present pacific and neutral policy of the United States. 
On the contrary, it has been distinctly understood by the 
three Republics who gave the invitation, and has been en- 
forced on our part in all our communications with them in 
regard to it, that the United States would strictly adhere to 
that policy, and mean faithfully to perform all their neutral 
obligations. Whilst the existing war is limited to the 
present parties, it is as unnecessary as it would be unwise 



118 

in the United States to become a belligerent. A state of 
things can hardly be imagined in which they would vol- 
untarily take part on the side of Spain ; and on that of the 
republics it would be entirely useless, since they have 
been all along able, unaided, triumphantly to maintain 
their cause and to conquer the arms, if they have not 
overcome the obstinacy of Spain. By maintaining the 
neutral position which the United States have assumed, 
they have been enabled to hold strong language to Europe, 
and successfully to check any disposition which existed 
there to assist Spain in the reconcpiest of the colonies. 
If they had departed from their neutrality and precipi- 
tated themselves into the war, there was much reason to ap- 
prehend that their exertions might have been neutralized, 
if not overbalanced, by those of other powers who woiild 
have been drawn, by that rash example, into the war, in 
behalf of Spain. Keeping, therefore, constantly in view 
the settled pacific policy of the United States, and the 
duties which how from their neutrality, the subjects will 
now be particularized, which, it is anticipated, will en- 
gage the consideration of the congress at Panama. 

These subjects may be arranged under two general 
heads : (1) Such as relate the to future prosecution of the 
present war with Spain by the combined or separate oper- 
ation of the American belligerents. (2) Those in which 
all the nations of America, whether neutral or belligerent, 
may have an interest. 

In respect to the first, for the reasons already stated, we 
can take no part. Discussions of them must be confined 
to the parties to the war. You will refrain from engag- 
ing in them. You will not be expected or desired to do 
so. But, whilst it has been perfectly understood that the 
United States could not, at the congress, jeopard their 
neutrality, they may be urged to contract an' alliance, 
offensive and defensive, on the contingency of an attempt 
by the powers of Europe, commonly called the Holy Alli- 
ance, either to aid Spain to reduce the new American Re- 
publics to their ancient colonial state or to compel them 
to adopt political systems more conformable to the policy 
and views of that alliance. 



119 

Upon the supposition of such an attempt being actually 
made, there can be no doubt what it would be the interesl 
and bounden duty of the United States to d*>. Their late 
Chief Magistrate solemnly declared what, in that event, 
he considered they ought to do. The people of the United 
States acquiesced in the declaration, and their present 
Chief Magistrate entirely concurs in it. If, indeed, the 
powers of continental Europe could have allowed them- 
selves to engage in the war for either of the purposes just 
indicated, the United States, in opposing them witli their 
whole force, would have been hardly entitled t<> the merit 
of acting on the impulse of a generous sympathy with 
infant, oppressed, and struggling nations. The United 
States, in the contingencies which have been stated, would 
have been compelled to fight their own proper battles, not 
less so because the storm of war happened to range on 
another part of this continent at a distance from their bor- 
ders; for it cannot be doubted that the presumptuous spirit 
which would have impelled Europe upon the other Ameri- 
can Republics in aid of Spain, or on account of the forms 
of their political institutions, would not have been ap- 
peased if her arms in such an unrighteous contest should 
have been successful until they were extended here, and 
every vestige of human freedom had been obliterated 
within these States. 

There was a time when such designs were seriously ap- 
prehended, and it is believed that the declaration of the 
late President to the Congress of the United States, which 
has been already referred to, had a powerful effect in dis- 
concerting and arrested their progress. About the same 
period Great Britain manifested a determination to pur- 
sue the same policy in regard to the new Republics which 
the United States had previously marked out for them- 
selves. After these two great maritime powers, Great 
Britain and the United States had let continental Europe 
know that they would not see with indifference any forcible 
interposition in behalf of Old Spain, it was evident that no 
such interposition would or with any prospect of success 
could be afforded. Accordingly since that period there 
have been no intimations of any designs on the part of 



120 

the European alliance against the new American Repub- 
lics. If that alliance has seen with any dissatisfaction 
(as may be well imagined) the successful progress of those 
Republics, both in the war and in the establishment of 
their free political systems, they have confined themselves 
to silent and unavailing regrets. 

The auspicious course of events has not only occasioned 
the abandonment of any hostile intentions which wore 
entertained, if such were ever entertained, by the Euro- 
pean alliance, but there is strong reason to hope that it 
has led to the creation of pacific, if not friendly, views 
toward our sister Republics. Upon the entry of the Presi- 
dent of the United States on the duties of his present 
office his attention was anxiously directed to, and has been 
since unremittingly employed on, the object of establish- 
ing peace between Spain and those Republics. In consider- 
ing the means for its accomplishment no very sanguine 
hope was indulged from an approach to Spain directly, 
and it was thought best to endeavor to operate on her 
through that alliance on whose countenance and support 
she mainly relied for the recovery of the colonies. Russia 
was known to be the soul of that alliance, and to the Em- 
peror, of whose wisdom and friendship the United States 
had so many proofs, the appeal was at once made. A 
copy of the note from this Department to the American 
ministers at St. Petersburg on that subject accompanies 
these instructions. Copies of it were transmitted contem- 
poraneously to the courts of London and Paris, whose 
co-operation in the work of peace was also invited. Our 
minister at Madrid was instructed to lose no fit occasion 
there for creating or strengthening a disposition toward 
peace. The hope was cherished that by a general and con- 
certed movement of the United States and the great pow- 
ers of Europe at the same time the councils -of Spain 
might be prevailed upon to accede to a peace, which had 
become more necessary, if possible, to her than to the 
new Republics. 

An answer has been lately received here from St. Peters- 
burg through Mr. Middleton, a copy of which, together 
with copies of his accompanying notes, is placed in your 



121 

hands. From a perusal of these documents, the contents 
of which have been confirmed by the Russian minister in 
official interviews which I have had with him, you will 
perceive thai tin' appeal to Russia has nut been withoul 
effect, and that the late Emperor, sensible of the necessity 
of peace, prior to his death probably employed his good 
offices to bring it about. His successor has formally an- 
nounced his intention to tread in the path of his illustrious 
predecessor, and it is therefore most likely that he will 
also direct the influence of that Government to the conclu- 
sion of a peace satisfactory to both parties. It is possible 
that these efforts may not be effectual and that the pride 
and obstinacy of Spain may be unconquerable. There is, 
however, much reason to hope that she may either con en1 
to a peace upon the basis of the independence of the colo- 
nies, or, if she feels that too humiliating, that she will 
agree to a suspension of hostilities, as was formerly done 
in the case of the Low Countries, which would in the end 
inevitably lead to a formal acknowledgment of the actual 
independence of the new Republics. Whatever may bo 
the future course of Spain, the favorable reception which 
the Emperor of Russia has given to the overture of the 
United States, to say nothing of the known inclination of 
France and other powers of the European continent to fol- 
low the example of the United States and Great Britain, 
fully authorizes the conclusion that the Holy Alliance will 
not engage in the war on the side of Spain, but will per- 
severe in their actual neutrality. The danger, therefore, 
from that quarter having disappeared, there can be no ne- 
cessity at this time for an offensive and defensive alliance 
between the American powers, which could only find a 
justification at any period in the existence or continuation 
of such a danger. Such an alliance, under present cir- 
cumstances, would be worse than useless, since it might 
tend to excite feelings in the Emperor of Russia and his 
allies which should not be needlessly touched or provoked. 
The Republic of Colombia has recently requested the 
friendly interposition of this Government to prevail upon 
Spain to agree to an armistice, upon the conditions men- 
tioned in Mr. Salazar's note, of which a copy, together 



122 

with a copy of mine in reply, acceding to the request, is 
now furnished. And instructions have been accordingly 
given to the ministers of the United States at Madrid and 
St. Petersburg. 

Other reasons concur to dissuade the United Staes from 
entering into such an alliance. From the first establish- 
ment of their present constitution, their illustrious states- 
men have inculcated the avoidance of foreign alliances as 
a leading maxim of their foreign policy. It is true, that 
in its adoption, their attention was directed to Europe, 
which having a system of connections and of interests re- 
mote and different from ours, it was thought most advisa- 
ble that we should not mix ourselves up with them. Audit 
is also true, that long since the origin of the maxim, the 
new American powers have arisen, to which, if at all, it 
is less applicable. 

Without, therefore, asserting that an exigency may not 
occur in which an alliance of the most intimate kind be- 
tween the United States and the other American Republics 
would be highly proper and expedient, it may be safely 
said that the occasion which would warrant a departure 
from that established maxim ought to be one of great 
urgency, and that none such is believed now to exist. 
Among the objections to such alliances, those which at 
all times have great weight are, first, the difficulty of a 
just and equal arrangement of the contributions of force 
and of other means between the respective parties to the 
attainment of the common object ; and, secondly, that of 
providing beforehand, and determining with perfect pre- 
cision, when the casus fcederis arises, and thereby guard- 
ing against all controversies about it. There is less ne- 
cessity for any such alliance at this conjuncture on the part 
of the United States, because no compact, by whatever 
solemnities it might be attended, or whatever name or 
character it might assume, could be more obligatory upon 
them than the irresistible motive of self-preservation, 
which would be instantly called into operation, and stim- 
ulate them to the utmost exertion in the supposed con- 
tingency of an European attack upon the liberties of 
America. 



123 

The considerations to which I have now adverted, together 
with such others as may present themselves to you, will, 
it is hoped, satisfy the representatives of the other Ameri- 
can States that an alliance, offensive and defensive, be- 
tween them and the United States for the object which 
has been stated is unnecessary if not mischievous. Should 
you, however, be unable to bring that conviction home to 
them, and should you have reason to believe that the posi- 
tive rejection of such an alliance would be regarded in an 
unfriendly light and have a pernicious effect on your other 
negotiations you will invite them to reduce their proposals 
of the terms uf such an alliance as they may conceive 
proper to a written precise form, and state that you will 
take them ad referendum. That will afford to the Gov- 
ernment here the opportunity of reconsideration, with the 
advantage of all the information that may be evolved in 
the intervening period. The alliance, if ever admissible, 
having been a question of time, the delay incident to the 
reference home by further demonstrating its expediency 
will better prepare the Congress at Panama for the final 
rejection, which it is most probable this Government will 
give to the project. 

In treating of those subjects in which all the nations of 
America, whether now at war or in peace, may be sup- 
posed to have a common interest, you will, on all suitable 
occasions, inculcate the propriety of terminating the ex- 
isting war as soon as may be, and of cherishing the means 
best adapted to the preservation of peace among them- 
selves, and with the rest of the world. The cultivation of 
peace is the trueinterest of all nations, but it is especially 
that of infant States. Repose is not more necessary to the 
growth and expansion of individuals in their youth, than 
it is to that of young nations, which have, in the midst of 
war, commenced the career of independence and self-gov- 
ernment. Peace is now the greatest want of America. 
Desirable, however, as it unquestionably is, there is noth- 
ing in the present or in the future, of which Ave can catch 
a glimpse, that should induce the American Republics, in 
order to obtain it, to sacrifice a particle of their independ- 
ent sovereignty. They ought, therefore, to reject all 



124 

propositions founded upon the principle of a concession of 
perpetual commercial privileges to any foreign power. 
The grant of such privileges is incompatible with their 
actual and absolute independence. It would partake of the 
spirit and, and bring back, in fact, if not in form, the 
state of ancient colonial connection. Nor would their 
honor and national pride allow them to entertain or delib- 
erate on propositions founded upon the notion of purchas- 
ing, with a pecuniary consideration, the Spanish acknowl- 
edgment of their independence. 

Next to the more pressing object of putting an end to 
the war between the new republics and Spain should be 
that of devising means to preserve peace in future among 
the American nations themselves, and with the rest of the 
world. No time could be more auspicious than the pres- 
ent for a successful inquiry by the American nations into 
the causes which have so often disturbed the repose of the 
world, and for an earnest endeavor, by wise precaution, in 
the establishment of just and enlightened principles for 
the government of their conduct, in peace and in war, to 
guard, as far as possible, against all misunderstandings. 
They have no old prejudices to combat, no long established 
practices to change, no entangled connections or theories 
to break through. Committed to no particular systems of 
commerce, nor to any selfish belligerent code of law, they 
are free to consult the experience of mankind, and to estab- 
lish without bias principles for themselves, adapted to 
their condition, and likely to promote their peace, secur- 
ity, and happiness. Remote from Europe, it is not prob- 
able that they will often be involved in the wars with 
which that quarter of the globe may be destined hereafter 
to be afflicted. In these wars, the policy of all America 
will be the same, that of peace and neutrality, which the 
United States have heretofore constantly labored to pre- 
serve. 

If the principles which that probable state of neutrality 
indicates as best for the interests of this hemisphere be, 
at the same time, just in themselves, and calculated to 
prevent wars, or to mitigate the rigor of those great 
scourges, they will present themselves to the general ac- 












i 

- 

- 

- 

■ 
- 

- 

■ ■ 

; 



126 

erty, have both a safety and protection on the former, 
which they do not enjoy on the latter element. Scarcely 
any circumstance would now tend more to exalt the charac- 
ter of America than that of uniting its endeavors to bring 
up the arrears of civilization, as applied to the ocean, to 
the same forward point which it has attained on the land, 
and thus, rendering men and property secure against all 
human injustice and violence, leave them exposed only to 
the action of those storms and disasters, sufficiently peril- 
ous, which are comprehended in the dispensations of Provi- 
dence. 

It is under the influence of these and similar consider- 
ations that you will bring forward, at the contemplated 
Congress, the proposition to abolish war against private 
property and non-combatants upon the ocean. Private 
property of an enemy is protected when on land from 
seizure and confiscation. Those who do not bear arms 
there are not disturbed in their vocations. Why should 
not the same humane exemptions be extended to the sea ? 
If merchandise in a warehouse on shore remains un- 
molested amidst the ravages of modern war, can any good 
reason be assigned for allowing the same merchandise, 
when transferred to a ship which is peaceably navigating 
the ocean, to be an object of legitimate capture and con- 
demnation ? If artisans and husbandmen are permitted 
without hinderance to pursue their respective callings, why 
should not the not less useful mariners be allowed peaceably 
to distribute the productions of their industry, in exchanges 
for the common benefit of mankind ? This has been an 
object which the United States have had much at heart 
ever since they assumed their place among the nations. 
More than forty years ago Dr. Franklin, one of their most 
enlightened and successful ministers, thus expressed him- 
self : 

It is time, it is high time, for the sake of humanity, that a stop were 
put to this enormity. 

The United States of America, though better situated than any Eu- 
ropean nation to make profit by privateering, are, as far as in them lies, 
endeavoring to abolish the practice, by offering, in all their treaties with 
other powers, an article engaging solemnly, that, in case of future war, 



127 

no privateer shall be commissioned, on either side, and that unarmed 
merchant ships, on both sides, shall pursue their voyages unmolested. 

This will he a happy improvement of the law of nations. The humane 
and the just can n< >t but wish general success to the proposition. 

What the sagacious forecast of that illustrious man en- 
abled him to anticipate at that early day of our national 
existence, has been fully confirmed in our subsequent prog- 
ress. We are better situated than any other nation, and, 
in the event of war, we now have ample means to enable 
us to make profit by privateering, but, faithful to our 
principles, we now offer, in our maturer and stronger con- 
dition, the same stipulations which were offered by Frank- 
lin and other American negotiators, but which might then 
have been attributed to our infancy and weakness. 

If. by the common consent of nations, private property 
on the ocean was no longer liable to capture as lawful 
prize of war, the principle that free ships should make 
free goods would lose its importance by being merged in 
the more liberal and extensive rule. But, judging from 
the slow progress of civilization in its operation on the 
practices of war. and the tenacity with which power 
ever clings to advantages which it conceives itself to pos- 
sess, it would be too much to indulge any very sanguine 
hope of a speedy universal concurrence in a total exemp- 
tion of all private property from capture. 

Some nations may be prepared to admit the limited, who 
would withhold their assent from the more comprehensive 
principle. You will, therefore, also propose the adoption 
of the rule that free ships shall make free goods, and its 
converse, that inimical ships shall make inimical goods. 
The one seems necessarily to follow from the other, and 
in their practical application there is a simplicity and cer- 
tainty in both which strongly recommend them to general 
adoption. Both operate in favor of neutrality, and thus 
present a new dissuasive to nations from rashly engaging 
in war. It will occur, of course, to you, to insert a pro- 
vision restricting the operation of these principles to those 
nations which shall agree to observe them. 

You will propose a definition of blockade. The experi- 
ence of the United States and that of some of the new 



128 

American nations, short as lias been the term of their ex- 
istence, alike indicate the utility of a plain and intelligible 
description of the facts which constitute a legitimate block- 
ade. The want of such a definition has been the principle 
cause of many difficulties which have arisen between 
them and the United States. The belligerent interest 
is to extend, the neutral to contract, as much as pos- 
sible the range of a blockade. The belligerent interest 
is to insist upon the smallest possible, that of the neu- 
tral upon the largest practicable, amount of force to 
give validity to the blockade. In this conflict of oppo- 
site pretensions, as the belligerent has arms in his hands 
ready to support his, the neutral generally suffers. The 
best security against abuses on either side is a clear defi- 
nition, which, by presenting circumstances notorious in 
their nature and character, admits of no controversy 
among those who have a proper sense of justice and enter- 
tain a mutual regard for their respective rights. You 
will find in the treaty with Colombia and that with the 
Central Republic, recently concluded and ratified here 
(copies of both of which are herewith), a definition of 
blockade, which may be proposed and safely followed. 
In the same treaties are also contained articles supplying 
a list of contraband, and several other articles having ref- 
erence to a state of war, in which the contracting parties 
may be belligerent or neutral, as the case may be, all of 
which you are authorized to propose. 

In connection with this interesting subject you are fur- 
nished, among the accompanying documents, with a letter 
from my predecessor, under date the 28th July, 1823, ad- 
dressed to Mr. Rush, minister of the United States at 
London, with the draught of articles for a treaty which 
he was authorized to propose to Great Britain. They may 
facilitate your labors. The articles having been prepared 
with much consideration, may serve as models for any 
that may be agreed on at the congress upon corresponding 
topics. It is hardly necessary to add that this recent ex- 
periment with Great Britain, like all others which pre- 
ceded it, proved abortive. 

Among the most important objects which are likely to 



129 

engage the attention of the congress is that of endeavoring 
to fix some general principles of intercourse applicable to 
all the powers of America for the mutual regulation of 
their commerce and navigation. The United States from 
the origin of the present war have, on all proper occasions, 
uniformly proclaimed that they entertained no desire to 
procure for themselves from any of the new powers pecu- 
liar commercial advantages. They continue to adhere to 
this disinterested doctrine. 

You will state in your conference that as they have not 
sought in treating with the American States separately, 
neither will they seek in joint negotiations with them for 
any privileges which are not equally extended to every one 
of them. Indeed, they are prepared themselves to extend 
to the powers of Europe the same libei-al principles of 
commercial intercourse and navigation on which the 
United States are ready to treat. The President hopes 
that you will meet with corresponding dispositions in the 
other American States; and that you will have no diffi- 
culty in obtaining their ready concurrence to the equitable 
bases of perfect equality and reciprocity which you are 
hereby empowered at once to propose for the commerce 
and navigation between all the American nations. The 
whole of what is very material to their commerce and 
navigation may be comprised under two general principles, 
both of which are founded on those bases. The first is, 
that no American nation shall grant any favors, in com- 
merce or navigation, to any foreign power whatever, either 
upon this or any other continent, which shall not extend 
to every other American nation. And, secondly, that 
whatever may be imported from any foreign country into 
any one American nation or exported from it in its own 
vessels may, in like manner, be imported into or exported 
from the same nation, the vessel, whether national or 
foreign, and the cargo paying in both instances exactly 
the same duties and charges and no more. 

The first of those two principles is so strongly recom- 
mended to all nations by considerations of policy as well 
as of justice, that it will command, at least in the abstract, 
the assent of most as soon as it is announced. Nations 
9 PA 



130 

are equal, common members of a universal family. Why 
should there be any inequality between them in their com- 
mercial intercourse ? Why should one grant favors to 
another which it withholds from a third ? All such par- 
tial favors are liable to excite jealousies, and in the end 
are counterbalanced or punished by the injured powers. 
The principle now proposed does not preclude those par- 
ticular arrangements which are founded upon real and just 
equivalents, independent of mere commercial reciprocity, 
by which certain advantages are granted to a particular 
power ; but it is wiser even to avoid these as much as pos- 
sible. If the principle be correct in its universal applica- 
tion it must be allowed to be particularly adapted to the 
condition and circumstances of the American powers. 
The United States have had no difficulty in treating, on 
that principle, with the Republics of Colombia and Central 
America, and it is accordingly inserted in the treaties 
which have been made with both those powers. Other of 
the American nations are believed to have a disposition to 
adopt it. The United Mexican States alone have opposed 
it, and in their negotiations with us have brought forward 
the inadmissible exception from its operation of those 
American States which have a Spanish origin, in whose 
behalf Mexico insists upon being allowed to grant commer- 
cial favors which she may refuse to the United States. 

Of the view which we entertain of such an exception 
you will be able to possess yourselves by perusing a dis- 
patch from this office to Mr. Poinsett, under date the 9th 
day of November, 1825, a copy of which is herewith. He 
has been instructed to break off the negotiations if con- 
trary to expectation the Mexican Government should per- 
sist in the exception. What renders it more extraordinary 
is, that while they pretend that there has been something 
like such an understanding between the new Republics, no 
such exception was insisted upon by either Colombia or 
the Central Republic. It was not even mentioned during 
the late negotiation here which terminated in the treaty 
with the latter power. Whether it was adverted to or not 
in that which was conducted by Mr. Anderson with Col- 
ombia he will recollect, We can consent to no such ex- 



131 

ception. You will resist it in every form if it be brought 
forward,and you will subscribe to no treaty which shall 
admit it. We are not yet informed whether Mexico has 
abandoned the exception and concluded with Mr. Poinsett 
a commercial treaty, or has persevered in it and broken off 
the negotiations. The basis of the must favored nation 
leaves the party who treats on it free to prohibit what 
foreign produce and manufactures be pleases and to im- 
pose on such as may he admitted into his ports any duties 
which his policy or his interest maj require. Theprinci- 
ple only enjoins impartiality as to the foreign powers to 
whom it is applied, and consequently that his prohibitions 
and his duties, whatever they may he, shall equally ex- 
tend to the produce and manufactures of all of them. If 
a nation has already conl racted engagements wit h and ber 
power by which it has granted commercial favors incon- 
venient or injurious to itself, it may lie contrary to if sin- 
terest to extend these same favors to other nations. I'm 
tin 1 United States has made no such improvident conces- 
sions In any pari Lcular foreign power, nor have any of t he 
other of the American States as far as we know. Thetime 
and the theater, therefore, are propitious for the adoption 
of a broad and liberal commercial principle, which, by dis- 
pensing equal favor to all, deprives every one of any jusl 
cause of complaint. 

To the other leading principle which has been stated, 
t hat of allowing the importation Into, or the exportation 
from, the ports of any American nation in the vessels of 
every other, of all produce and manufactures, the intro- 
duction or exportation of which is admitted by law, both 
t he mil tve and the foreign vessel and t he cargo paying t he 
same duties and charges, and no other, the President at 
t aches the greatest importance. Yon will press it. in your 

conferences with an earnestness and zeal proportionate to 

its high value, and to the liberality in which it is con- 
ceived. Its reciprocity is perfect, and when it comes to he 
adopted by all nations, we can scarcely see anything 
beyond if in the way of improvement to the freedom and 
interest of their mutual navigation. The devices of mari- 
time nations have been various to augment their marine 



132 

at the expense of others powers. When there has been a 
passive acquiescence in the operation of those devices, 
without any resort to countervailing regulation, their suc- 
cess has sometimes been very great. But nations are now 
too enlightened to submit quietly to the selfish efforts of 
any one power to engross, by its own separate legislation, 
a disproportionate share of navigation in their mutual in- 
tercourse. Those efforts are now met by opposite efforts ; 
restriction begets restriction until the discovery is at last 
made, after a long train of vexatious and irritating acts 
and maneuvers on both sides, that the course of selfish 
legislation ultimately does not effect the distribution of 
maritime power, whilst it is attended with the certain evil 
of putting nations into an ill humor with each other. 

Experience at last teaches that, in every view, it is bet- 
ter to begin and to continue in the career of liberality 
than in that of a narrow and restricted policy, since the 
most that can be said against the former is that it only 
conducts to the same end without, however, the unpleas- 
ant incidents to which the other finally and inevitably 
leads. There is a- simplicity in the principle of recipro- 
cal liberty of navigation which confers on it a strong 
recommendation. It renders unnecessary all difficult and 
vexatious scrutiny into the origin of the contents of a 
mixed cargo. It dispenses with all penalties and forfeit- 
ures, denounced for what is often both an ignorant and 
innocent violation of custom-house law in the introduc- 
tion, perhaps, of a single interdicted article of small value, 
which is made, by arbitrary regulation, to taint the whole 
cargo of immense value. It sets up a rule at once plain 
and intelligible. It refers the foreigner, for what he may 
lawfully do, to an observation of that which the native 
actually does. It opens every American port to every 
American vessel on the same equal terms, no matter in 
what distant sea her enterprise may have sought and 
earned the riches with which she is laden. 

This principle of reciprocal freedom of navigation, like 
that of the most favored nation, leaves every State which 
adopts it at liberty to impose such tonnage duties as its 
necessities or policy may dictate. It only holds out that 



133 

whatever may be imposed shall extend alike to the national 
and the foreign vessel, and also that the cargo, whether 
of importation or exportation, shall be charged with the 
same duties, whoever may be the proprietor, or in what- 
ever vessel it may be laden. Perhaps it may be proposed 
to agree to the imposition of precisely the same rate of 
duties, on vessel and cargo, in all the ports of the Ameri- 
can nations. But that would be inadmissible. It would 
subject each State to inconvenient restrictions on its power 
<>1 taxation, instead of leaving it free, as is best for each, 
to consult the circumstances of its own peculiar position, 
its habits, its constitution of government, and the most 
fitting sources of revenue for itself. As to the foreigner, 
he has no pretext to complaint when the same measure is 
applied to him and the native. 

It may, perhaps, be objected that the marine of the 
other American nations is yet in its infancy; that ours has 
made great advances; and that they can not be prepared 
for this reciprocal liberty of navigation until they have 
made some further progress in establishing theirs. The 
difference in the condition of the marine of the respective 
countries, assumed in the supposed argument, certainly 
exists. But how is it to be remedied ? By a system which 
shall aim at engrossment, and which will therefore pro- 
voke retaliation ? Or, one which, dealing liberally by 
others, will lead them to measure out liberality in return ? 

These alternatives have been already discussed, and it 
has been shown that the first system is never successful, 
except from the forbearance of foreign powers to counter- 
vail it. which is not now to be expected in the present 
watchful state of the maritime world. If we are to wait 
for the commencement of the equal and liberal system 
until all nations shall have brought up their respective 
marines even and abreast, it may be considered as indefi- 
nitely, if not forever, postponed. If the new States would 
build up for themselves powerfril marines they must seek 
for their elements not in a narrow and contracted legislation 
neutralized by the counteracting legislation of other na- 
tii ms, but in the abundance and excellence of their materials 
for ship building, in the skill of their artisans, and the 



134 

cheapness of their manufactures ; in the number of their sea- 
men, and their hardy and enterprising character, formed 
by exposure in every branch of a seafaring life by ad- 
ventures on every ocean, and invigorated by a liberal, 
cheerful, and fearless competition with foreign powers. 
Both of the principles which I have been discussing are 
provided for, though somewhat more in detail in the sec- 
ond, third, fourth, and fifth articles of the beforemen- 
tioned treaty with the Federation of the Center of America. 
They may serve as models for those which you are now 
authorized to propose, and you will consider yourselves 
empowered to agree to articles similar with all the others 
of that treaty, a copy of which accompanies this letter. 

It is possible you may not find the ministers of the 
other American States prepared to agree to the second 
principle ; that they may be unwilling to subscribe to it 
in the extent now proposed ; they may not be ready to al- 
low, at the same rate of duties, a reciprocal liberty of ex- 
portation and importation, without restriction as to the 
place of origin of the cargo, the ownership, or destina- 
tion of the vessel. You will not abandon the effort t< i 
establish that principle, in its widest scope, until you have 
exhausted every means of argument and persuasion, and 
become perfectly satisfied that its adoption is wholly im- 
practicable. If you find their opposition to it unyielding, 
you will then propose a modification to the principle, so 
as to make it, at least, comprehend the productions and 
manufactures of all the American nations, including the 
West India Islands. When so limited, it will still have 
the great practical benefit ; all vessels of the several Amer- 
ican powers will enjoy under it a reciprocal liberty of ex- 
portation and importation of whatever of American pro- 
ductions and manufactures, comprehending the produce 
of the sea, is allowed by the separate laws of each, at the 
same standard of duties for the vessel and her cargo. If 
the reasoning be correct, in support of the principle in its 
greatest latitude, it will, of course, sustain it in this more 
restricted operation ; to which may be added, as a strong 
consideration in favor of its embracing, at least, the Ameri- 
can States, that there is great similarity in the produce 



of various parts of them, and consequently, a great diffi- 
culty in tracing articles having a common character and 

striking resemblance to the countries of their respective 
origin, and subjecting them to different rates of duty, as 
they happen to be imported in different vessels, or blended 
together in the same vessel. 

If you find the principle still objected to with that mod- 
ification, you will lastly propose it with the still greater 
restriction of only furnishing the rule which shall be ob- 
served between any two of the American nations who may 
agree to it, in regard to their mutual navigation, when em- 
ployed in transporting their respective produce and manu- 
factures. Under this form it is proposed by the United 
States, on the 3d March, 1815 (see fourth volume of the 
Laws, page 824), to all nations. On the 3d of July, of 1 he 
same year, it was engrafted on the convention with Great 
Britain (see sixth volume of the Laws, page 603). Subse- 
quently, it was applied to the Netherlands, the Imperial 
Hanseatic cities of Hamburg, Lubeck, Bremen, the Duke- 
dom of Oldenburg, Norway, Sardinia, and Russia (see 
acts of first session, Eighteenth Congress, page 4). It was 
also embraced in our treaty with Sweden, of 1816 (see sixth 
volume of the Laws, page 642), and has recently been 
agreed to by Colombia. In the event of a concurrence in 
the principle, in (his more limited import, the first, second, 
and third articles .of the before-mentioned convention with 
Great Britain will furnish models which may be followed 
in the draught of those to which you are authorized to 
agree. These three articles embrace other subjects he- 
side that principle, but they are such as to have either a 
direct connection with it, or are necessary to give full and 
complete effect to it. In describing the territories of the 
new American States with which we are to maintain here- 
after a commercial intercourse, you will see the propriety 
of employing, in any treaty which you may conclude, such 
terms as may embrace whatever territories, insular or con- 
tinental, may appertain to each upon the termination of 
the present war. During its future progress possession 
may be won or lost, which, as the case may be, should be 
comprehended or excluded by those terms. 



136 

In December, 1823, the then President of the United 
States, in his annual message, upon the opening of con- 
gress, announced, as the principle applicable to this con- 
tinent, what ought hereafter to be insisted upon, that no 
European nation ought to be allowed to plant upon it new 
colonies. It was not proposed, by that principle, to dis- 
turb pre-existing European colonies already established in 
America; the principle looked forward, not backward. 
Several of the new American States have given intimation 
of their concurrence in the principle ; and it is believed 
that it must command the assent of the impartial world. 
Whilst America was, comparatively, a boundless waste, 
and an almost unpeopled desert, claimed and probably 
first settled by civilized men by the European powers who 
discovered it, if they could agree among themselves as to 
the limits of their respective territories, there was no 
American State to oppose, or whose rights could be affected 
by, the establishment of new colonies. But now the case 
is entirely altered ; from the northeastern limits of the 
United States, in North America, to Cape Horn ; in South 
America, on the Atlantic Ocean, with one or two incon- 
siderable exceptions ; and from the same cape to the fifty- 
first degree of north latitude, in North America, on the 
Pacific Ocean, without any exception, the whole coasts and 
countries belong to sovereign resident American powers. 
There is, therefore, no chasm within the described limits 
in which a new European colony could be now introduced 
without violating territorial rights of some American 
State. An attempt to establish such a colony, and by its 
establishment to acquire sovereign rights for any European 
power, must be regarded as an inadmissible encroachment, 
If any portion of the people of Europe, driven by op- 
pression from their native country, or actuated by a de- 
sire of improving the condition of themselves or their 
posterity, wish to migrate to America, it will no doubt be 
the policy of all the new States, as it ever has been ours, 
to afford them an asylum, and, by naturalization, to ex- 
tend to such of them as are worthy the same political 
privileges which are enjoyed by the native citizens. But 
this faculty of emigration can not be allowed to draw 



137 

after it the right of the European State, of which such 
emigrants shall have been natives, to acquire sovereign 
powers in America. The rule is good by which one, in 
judging of another's conduct or pretensions, is advised to 
reverse positions. What would Europe think of an 
American attempt to plant there an American colony? If 
its pride would be provoked and its powers exerted to re- 
press and punish such a presumptuous act, it is high time 
that it should be recollected and felt that Americans, 
themselves descended from Europeans, have also their 
sensibilities and their rights. 

To prevent any such new European colonies, and to 
warn Europe beforehand that they are not hereafter to be 
admitted, the President wishes you to propose a joint 
declaration of the several American States, each, how- 
ever, acting for and binding only itself, that within the 
limits of their respective territories no new European 
colony will hereafter be allowed to be established. It is 
not intended to commit the parties who may concur in 
that declaration to the support of the particular bounda- 
ries which may be claimed by any one of them; nor is it 
proposed to commit them to a joint resistance against any 
future attempt to plant a new European colony. It is be- 
lieved that the moral effect alone of a joint declaration, 
emanating from the authority of all the American nations, 
will effectually serve to prevent the effort to establish any 
such new colony; but if it should not, and the attempt 
should actually be made, it will then be time enough for 
the American powers to consider the propriety of negoti- 
ating between themselves, and, if necessary, of adopting 
in concert the measures which may be necessary to check 
and prevent it, The respect which is due to themselves, 
as well as to Europe, requires that they should rest in confi- 
dence that a declaration thus solemnly put forth will com- 
mand universal deference. It will not be necessary to give 
to the declaration now proposed the form of a treaty. It 
may be signed by the several ministers of the congress, 
and promulgated to the world as evidence of the sense of 
all the American powers. 
Among the subjects which must engage the consideration 



138 

of the congress, scarcely any has an interest so powerful 
and commanding as that which belongs to Cuba and Porto 
Rico, the former especially. Cuba, from its position, the 
present amount and character of its population, that which 
it is capable of sustaining, its vast though almost latent 
resources, is at present the great object of attraction both 
to Europe and America. No power, not even Spain itself, 
lias in such a variety of forms so deep an interest in its 
future fortunes, whatever they may happen to be, as the 
United States. Our policy in regard to it is fully and 
frankly disclosed in the before-mentioned note to Mr. Mid- 
dleton. It is there stated that for ourselves we desire no 
change in the possession or political condition of that 
island, and that we could not, with indifference, see it trans- 
ferred from Spain to any other European power. We are 
unwilling to see its transfer or annexation to either of the 
new American States. If the present war should much 
longer continue there are three conditions, into some one 
of which that island may fall during its further progress, 
and all of them deserve the most particular and serious 
consideration. The first is its independence, resting at the 
close of the war upon its own unassisted resources to main- 
tain that independence; secondly, its independence, with the 
guaranty of other powers, either of Europe or of America, 
or of both; and thirdly, its conquest and attachment to 
the dominions of the Republic of Colombia or Mexico. 
We will now examine each of those predicaments of the 
island in the order in which they have been stated. 

(1) If Cuba had the ability within itself of maintaining 
an independent self-government against all assaults from 
without or within, we should prefer to see it in that state, 
because we desire the happiness of others as well as our- 
selves, and we believe that is, in the general, most likely 
to be secured by a local government springing directly 
from, and identified in feeling, interest, and sympathy 
with, the people to be governed. But a mere glance at the 
limited extent, moral condition, and discordant character 
of its population, must convince all of its incompetency, 
at present, to sustain self-government unaided by other 
powers. And if, at this premature period, an attempt at 



i;s!> 

independence should be so far attended with success as to 
break the connection with Spain, one portion of the in- 
habitants of the is ami, as well as their neighbors in the 
United States and in some other directions, would live in 
continual dread of those tragic scenes which were for- 
merly exhibited in a neighboring island, the population of 
which would be tempted, by the very fact of thai inde- 
pendence, to employ all the means which vicinity, simi- 
larity of Origin, and sympathy could supply to foment and 
stimulate insurrection, in order to gain ultimate strength 
to their own cause. 

(2) A guarantied independence of Cuba, although it 
might relieve the island from the dangers which have Keen 
just, noticed, would substitute others not less formidable, 
and which, it is believed, are almost insuperable. Who 
shall be the guarantying powers? Shall they be exclu- 
sively American or mixed, partly American and partly 
European ? What shall be the amount of their respective 
contributions to the protecting force, military and naval, 
and to the other means necessary to uphold the local gov- 
ernment? Who shall have the command of that force? 
Will not the guarantying powers not in command enter- 
tain continual apprehensions and jealousies of the com- 
manding [towers? The candid must own that these are 
perplexing questions ; and that upon the whole, although 
all thought of that modification of independence should 
not, perhaps, he dismissed as absolutely inadmissible 
under any possible circumstances, it must be agreed to he 
one to which, if assent is ultimately yielded, it must he 
reluctantly, from a train of unforeseen and uncontrollable 
events. 

(3) With respect to the conquest and annexation of the 
island to Colombia or Mexico, it should he remarked that, 
if that be attempted, the whole character of the present 
war will he entirely changed. Hitherto,- on the part of 
the Republics, the contest has been for independence and 
self-government, and they have had, on their side, the 
good wishes and the friendly sympathies of a large portion 
of the world, and those especially of the people of the United 
States. But in the event of a military enterprise directed 



140 

against Cuba it will become a war of conquest. In such 
a war, whatever may be the result of that enterprise, the 
interests of other powers, now neutral, may be seriously 
affected, and they may be called upon to perform impor- 
tant duties which they may not be at liberty to neglect. 
The issue of such a war may have great influence upon 
the balance and stability of power in the West Indies. 
Nations of Europe may feel themselves required to inter- 
pose forcibly to arrest a course of events to which they 
can not be indifferent. If they should limit their interpo- 
sition merely to the object of preventing any change in 
the existing state of things in respect to the islands, the 
United States, far from being under any pledge at pres- 
ent to oppose them might find themselves, contrary to 
their inclination, reluctantly drawn by a current of events 
to their side. 

In considering such an enterprise as has been supposed, 
if it be undertaken, there ought to be an anxious and de- 
liberate examination, first, into the means of Colombia 
and Mexico to accomplish the object; and, secondly, their 
power to preserve and defend the acquisition if made. 
We have not the data necessary to form a certain judg- 
ment on the first point. We ought to possess, to enable us 
to form such a judgment, a knowledge, first, of the force, 
military and naval, which the Republics can apply to the 
operation ; secondly, that which Spain can exert in resist- 
ance ; and, thirdly, what portion of the inhabitants of the 
island would take part on the one and on the other side of 
the belligerents. Although we have not this information 
in ample detail, we know that Spain is in actual possession, 
with a very considerable military force ; that this force, 
recently much strengthened, occupies the Moro Castle, 
deemed almost impregnable, and other strongholds in the 
island ; that, driven as she has been from the continent of 
America, all her means and all her efforts will now be con- 
centrated on this most valuable of her remaining Ameri- 
can possessions ; that to this end she will apply her atten- 
tion, which has been hitherto too much distracted by the 
multitude of her belligerent exertions in North and South 
America, exclusively to this most important point ; that 



141 

to its succor she will gather up from her vast wreck the 
residue of her once powerful army iu Europe and 
America; and that there is reason to believe that if she 
should not be openly assisted by any of the European 
powers she may receive from them covert but irresponsi- 
ble aid. 

With all these resources and favorable circumstances 
combined it must be admitted that the conquest of Cuba 
is very difficult, if not impracticable, without extensive and 
powerful means, both naval and military. But, secondly, 
do either Colombia or Mexico possess such means ? We 
doubt it. They have both to create a marine. A single 
ship of the line, two frigates, and three or four vessels of 
a smaller grade, badly manned, compose the whole naval 
force of the United Mexican States. That of Colombia is 
not much greater nor better manned. But the means of 
transporting and defending during its voyages the mili- 
tary force necessary to achieve the conquest are absolutely 
indispensable. Nay, more, it would be in the last degree 
rash and imprudent to throw an army into Cuba unless 
the two Republics possessed and could retain a naval su- 
periority, at least in the Gulf of Mexico, to provide for 
those contingencies which ought always to be anticipated 
in the vicissitudes of war. And, in the third place, it is 
well known that the inhabitants of Cuba are far from 
being united in favor of invasion, entertain great appre- 
hensions as to their future safety in such an event, and 
that they especially dread an invasion from Colombia on 
account of the character of a portion of the troops of thai 
Republic. 

But, if all the difficulties were surmounted, and the con- 
quest of the island was once effected, we should not be 
without continual fears of the instability of its future con- 
dition. The same want of naval power which would be 
felt in reducing it would be subsequently experienced in 
defending and preserving it. Neither Colombia nor 
Mexico is destined to be a first-rate naval power. They 
both (Mexico still more than Colombia) want an extent of 
sea-coast, bays, inlets, harbors — the nurseries of seamen — 
in short, all the essential elements of a powerful marine. 



142 

England, France, the Netherlands, Spain herself, when 
she shall, as at some no very distant day she must, recover 
from her present debility will, for a long time to come, if 
not forever, as naval powers outrank either Mexico or 
Colombia. A war with any one of those European nations 
would place Cuba in the hands of either of those two Re- 
publics at the most imminent hazard. It is impossible for 
the Government of the United States to close their eyes to 
the fact that, in the event of a military enterprise being 
prosecuted by the Republics against Cuba, the ships, the 
seamen, the cannon, and the other naval means necessary 
to conduct it will have been principally obtained in the 
United States. Although far from giving any counte- 
nance to the procurement of those supplies determined to 
maintain a faithful neutrality they have directed a strict 
enforcement of their laws; the fact, nevertheless, of their 
being collected witbin their ports subjects them to 
unfriendly and injurious suspicions. And they would see 
with much repugnance resources drawn from themselves 
applied to the accomplishment of an object to which their 
policy and their interests are opposed. 

The President hopes that these considerations, enforced 
by such others as may present themselves to you, if they 
should not be deemed of sufficient weight to prevent alto- 
gether any invasion of Cuba, will at least dissuade from 
any rash or premature enterprise with inadeqiiate or doubt- 
ful means. And it is required, by the frank and friendly 
relations which we most anxiously desire ever to cherish 
with the new Republics, that you should, without reserve, 
explicitly state that the United States have too much at 
stake in the fortunes of Cuba to allow them to see with 
indifference a war of invasion prosecuted in a desolating 
manner, or to see employed in the purposes of such a war 
one race of the inhabitants combating against another, 
upon principles and with motives that must inevitably 
lead, if not to the extermination of one party or the other, 
to the most shocking excesses. The humanity of the 
United States in respect to the weaker, and which in such 
a terrible struggle would probably be the suffering por- 
tion, and their duty to defend themselves against the con- 



143 

tagion of such near and dangerous examples, would con- 
strain them, even at the hazard of losing the friendship, 
greatly as they value it, of Mexico and Colombia, to em- 
ploy all the means necessary to their security. 

If you should be unable to prevail on those Republics to 
renounce all the designs of invasion and conquest of Cuba 
and Porto Rico you will then exert your endeavors to in- 
duce them to suspend the execution of them until the result 
is known of the interposition which we are authorized to 
believe the late Emperor of Russia, and his allies, at the 
instance of the United States, have made to put an end 
to the war, and that which is herein stated to have been 
recently made at the instance of the Republic of Colom- 
bia. Such a suspension is due to Russia. It would lie 
a deference to that great power which the reigning Em- 
peror would not fail to appreciate and the value of which 
the new Republics might hereafter experience if, in this 
instance, the counsels which we have reason to believe 
have been given to Spain should not be followed. But 
there is much reason to hope that Spain will pause before 
she rejects them, and will see her true interest, as all 
the world sees it, on the side of peace; and the late events, 
the fall of the castles of St. Juan d'Ulloa and of Callao, 
especially, must have a powerful effect in urging her to 
terminate the war. 

A cut or canal for purposes of navigation somewhere 
through the isthmus that connects the two Americas, to 
unite the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans, will form a proper 
subject of consideration at the congress. That vast object, 
if it should be ever accomplished, will be interesting, in a 
greater or less degree, to all parts of the world. But to 
this continent will probably accrue the largest amount of 
benefit from its execution ; and to Colombia, Mexico, the 
Central Republic, Peru, and the United States, more than 
to any other of the American nations. What is to redi mini 
to the advantage of all America should be effected by 
common means and united exertions, and should not be 
left to the separate and unassisted efforts of any one power. 

In the present limited state of our information as to the 
practicability and the probable expense of the object, it 



144 

would not be wise to do more than to make some prelimi- 
nary arrangements. The best routes will be most likely 
found in the territory of Mexico or that of the Central 
Republic. The latter Republic made to this Government, 
on the 8th day of February of last year, in a note to which 
Mr. Canaz, its minister here, addressed to this Department 
(a copy of which is now furnished), a liberal offer, mani- 
festing high and honorable confidence in the United 
States. The answer which the President instructed me to 
give (of which a copy is also now placed in your hands) 
could go no farther than to make suitable acknowledg- 
ments for the friendly overture and to assure the Central 
Republic that measures would be adopted to place the 
United States in the possession of the information necessary 
to enlighten their judgment. If the work should ever be 
executed so as to admit of the passage of sea vessels from 
ocean to ocean, the benefits of it ought not to be exclu- 
sively appropriated to any one nation, but should be ex- 
tended to all parts of the globe upon the payment of a 
just compensation or reasonable tolls. What is most de- 
sirable at present is to possess the data necess ary to form 
a correct judgment of the practicability and the probable 
expense of the undertaking on the routes which offer 
the greatest facilities. 

Measures may have been already executed or be in prog- 
ress to acquire the requisite knowledge. You will in- 
quire particularly as to what has been done or may have 
been designed by Spain or by either of the new States, and 
obtain all other information that may be within your 
reach, to solve this interesting problem. You will state 
to the ministers of the other American powers that the 
Government of the United States takes a lively interest in 
the execution of the work, and will see, with peculiar sat- 
isfaction, that it lies within the compass of reasonable 
human efforts. Their proximity and local information 
render them more competent than the United States are 
at this time to estimate the difficulties to be overcome. 
You will receive and transmit to this Government any 
proposals that may be made or plans that maybe sug- 
gested for its joint execution, with assurances that they 



145 

will be attentively examined, with an earnest desire to 
reconcile the interests and views of all the American 
nations. 

It will probably be proposed as a fit subject of consider- 
ation for the powers represented at Panama, whether 
Hayti ought to be recognized by them as an independent 
State, and whether any decision taken in that respect 
should be joint or each power be left to pursue the dictates 
of its own policy. 

The President is not prepared now to say that Hayti 
ought to be recognized as an independent sovereign power. 
Considering the nature and the manner of the establish- 
ment of the governing power in that island and the little 
respect which is there shown t ) other races than the 
African, the question of acknowledging its independence 
was far from being unattended with difficulty prior to the 
late arrangement which, it is understood, has been made 
between France and Hayti. According to that arrange- 
ment, if we possess correct information of its terms, the 
parent country acknowledges a nominal independence in 
the colony, and, as a part of the price of this acknowledg- 
ment, Hayti agrees to receive forever the produce of France 
at a rate of duty one-half below that which is exacted in 
the ports of Hayti from all other nations. This is a re- 
striction upon its freedom of action to which no sovereign 
power, really independent, would ever subscribe. There 
is no equivalent, on the side of France, in the favorable 
terms on which the produce of Hayti is received in the 
ports of France. If the colonial relation may be cor- 
rectly described to be the monopoly of the commerce of 
the colony, enjoyed by the parent State, it can not be 
affirmed that Hayti has not voluntarily, by that arrange- 
ment, consented to its revival. There was no necessity 
urging her to agree to it, however she may have been 
called upon, by just and equitable considerations, to in- 
demnify the former individual proprietors for the loss of 
their property in St. Domingo. Prior to the conclusion 
of that arrangement Hayti enjoyed, no matter how estab- 
lished, a sort of independence in fact. By that arrange- 
ment she has voluntarily, and in a most essential particu- 
10 PA 



146 

lar, in respect to all foreign nations, changed her character, 
and has become, to say the least, not an independent State. 
Under the actual circumstances of Hayti, the President 
does not think that it would be proper, at this time, to 
recognize it as a new State. The acknowledgment, or de- 
clining to acknowledge, the independence of Hayti is not 
a measure of sufficient magnitude to require that, in either 
of the alternatives, it should be the result of a concert be- 
tween all the American powers. 

You will avail yourselves of all suitable occasions _to 
press upon the ministers of the other American States the 
propriety of a free toleration of religion within their re- 
spective limits. The framers of our constitution of gov- 
ernment have not only refrained from incorporating with 
the State any peculiar form of religious worship, but they 
have introduced an express prohibition upon the power of 
our Congress to make any law respecting an establishment 
of religion. With us none are denied the right which 
belongs to all— to worship God according to the dictates 
of their own consciences. In our villages and cities at the 
same hour, often in the same square, and by the same kind 
of summons, congregations of the pious and devout of 
every religious denomination ' are gathered together in 
their respective temples, and after performing according 
to their own solemn convictions their religious duties 
quietly return and mix together in the cheerful fulfillment 
of their domestic and social obligations. 

Not unfrequently the heads of the same family, apper- 
taining to different sects, resort to two different churches 
to offer up in their own chosen way their orisons, each 
bringing back to the common household stock the moral 
instruction which both have derived from their respective 
pastors. In the United States we experience no incon- 
venience from the absence of any religious establishment 
and the universal toleration which happily prevails. We 
believe that none would be felt by other nations who 
should allow equal religious freedom. It would be deemed 
rash to assert that civil liberty and an established church 
can not exist together in the same State; but it may be 
safely affirmed that history affords no example of their 



147 

union where the religion of the State has not only been 
established, but exclusive. 

If any of the American powers think proper to intro- 
duce into their systems an established religion, although 
we should regret such a determination, we should have no 
right to make a formal complaint unless it should be ex- 
clusive. As the citizens of any of the American nations 
have a right when here, without hindrance, to worship 
the Deity according to the dictates of their own con- 
sciences, our citizens ought to be allowed the same privi- 
leges when, prompted by business or inclination, they visit 
any of the American States. You are accordingly author- 
ized to propose a joint declaration, to be subscribed by the 
ministers of all or any of the powers represented, that 
within their several limits there shall be free toleration of 
religious worship. And you will also, in any treaty or 
treaties that you may conclude, endeavor to have inserted 
an article stipulating the liberty of religious worship in 
the territories of the respective parties. When this great 
interest is placed on the basis of siich a solemn declara- 
tion and such binding treaty stipulations it will have all 
reasonable and practical security. And this new guaranty 
will serve to give strength to the favorable dispositions of 
enlightened men in the various American States against 
the influence of bigotry and superstition. The declara- 
tion on this subject in which you are authorized to unite, 
as well as that directed against European colonization 
within the territorial limits of any of the American na- 
tions hereinbef < >re mentioned, does no more than announce, 
in respect to the United States, the existing state of their 
institutions and laws. Neither contracts any new obliga- 
tion on their part nor makes any alteration as to them in 
the- present condition of things. The President being the 
organ through which this Government communicates with 
foreign powers, and being charged with the duty of tak- 
ing care that the laws be faithfully executed, is competent 
to authorize both declarations. 

Questions of boundary and other matters of contro- 
versy among the new American powers will probably 
present themselves, and of which an amicable adjustment 



148 

may be attempted at the congress. Your impartial and 
disinterested position in relation to any such disputes 
may occasion you to be called upon for your advice and 
umpirage. You will, whenever your assistance may be 
required to settle those controversies, manifest a willing- 
ness to give your best counsel and advice ; and, if it should 
be desired, you will also serve as arbitrator. A dispute 
is understood to have existed, and to remain yet unsettled, 
between the United Mexican States and the Central Repub- 
lic, in relation to the province of Chiapa. The President 
wishes you to give it a particular investigation, and, if 
justice shall be found on the side of the Republic of the 
Center, you will lend to its cause all the countenance and 
support which you can give, without actually committing 
the United States. This act of friendship on our part is 
due as well on account of the high degree of respect "and 
confidence which that Republic has, on several occasions, 
displayed toward the United States as from its compara- 
tive weakness. 

Finally, I have it in charge to direct your attention to 
the subject of the forms of government and to the cause 
of free institutions on this continent. The United States 
never have been, and are not now, animated by any spirit 
of propagandise. They prefer to all other forms of gov- 
ernment, and are perfectly contented with, their own con- 
federacy. Allowing no foreign interference either in the 
formation or in the conduct of their government, they are 
equally scrupulous in refraining from all interference in 
the original structure or subsequent interior movement of 
the governments of other independent nations. Indiffer- 
ent they are not, because they can not be indifferent to the 
happiness of any nation. But the interest which they are 
accustomed to cherish in the wisdom or the folly which 
may mark the course of other powers in the adoption and 
execution of their political systems is rather a feeling of 
sympathy than a principle of action. In the present in- 
stance'they would conform to their general habit of cau- 
tiously avoiding to touch on a subject so delicate ; but that 
there is reason to believe that one European power, if not 
more, has been active both in Colombia and Mexico, if not 



149 

elsewhere, with a view to subvert, if possible, the existing 
forms of free government there established, to substitute 
the monarchical in place of them, and t< i plant i >n the newly- 
erected thrones European princes. 

In both instances it is due to our sister Republics and 
otherwise proper to add that the design met with a mer- 
ited and prompt repulse ; but the spirit which dictated it 
never slumbers, and it may be renewed. The plausible 
motive held out, and which may be repeated, is that of a 
recognition of the independence of the new States, with 
assurance that the adoption of monarchical institutions 
will conciliate the great powers of Europe. The new Re- 
publics being sovereign and independent States, and exhib- 
iting this capacity for self-government at home, being in 
fact acknowledged by the United States and Great Britain, 
and having entered into treaties and other national c< im- 
pacts with foreign powers, have a clear right to be recog- 
nized. From consideration of policy the act of recogni- 
tion has been delayed by some of the European States, 
but it can not much longer be postponed, and they will 
shortly find themselves required to make the concession 
from a regard to their own interest, if they would not from 
a sense of justice. But their recognition is not worth buy- 
ing, and nothing would be more dishonorable than that 
the Republic should purchase, by mean compliances, the 
formal acknowledgment of that independence which has 
been actually won by so much valor and by so many sac- 
rifices. Having stood out against all apprehensions of an 
attempt of the combined powers of Europe to subdue 
them, it would be base and pusillanimous now, when they 
are in the undisturbed enjoyment of the greatest of human 
blessings, to yield to the secret practices or open menaces 
of any European power. 

It is not anticipated that you will have any difficulty in 
dissuading them from entertaining or deliberating on such 
propositions. You will, however, take advantage of every 
fit opportunity to strengthen their political faith and to in- 
culcate the solemn duty of every nation to reject all foreign 
dictation in its domestic concerns. You will also, at all 
proper times, manifest are adiness to satisfy inquirers as to 



150 

the theory and practical operations of onr Federal and 
State constitutions of government, and to illustrate and 
explain the manifold blessings which the people of the 
United States have enjoyed and are continuing to enjoy 
under them. 

The war which has recently broken out between the Re- 
public of La Plata and the Emperor of Brazil is a cause 
of most sincere regret. To that war the United States 
will be strictly neutral. The parties to it should feel them- 
selves urged no less by all the interests which belong to 
the recent establishment of their independence than by 
principles of humanity to bring it to a speedy close. One 
of the first measures which has been adopted for its pros- 
ecution by the Emperor of the Brazils is to declare the whole 
coast of his enemy, including entirely one and a part of the 
other shore of the La Plata, and extending as far as Cape 
Horn, in a state of blockade. That he has not the requi- 
site naval force to render valid and to mantain, according 
to the principles of the public law, such a sweeping block- 
ade is quite evident. Persistence in it must injuriously 
affect the interest of neutrals in the pursuit of their 
rightful commerce, if it should involve no other conse- 
quences to them. 

You will avail yourselves of every proper opportunity 
to represent to the parties how desirable it is to put an end 
to the war, and with what satisfaction the United States 
would see the blessings of peace restored. And it will oc- 
cur to you, whilst remonstrating against any belligerent 
practices which are not strictly warranted, to draw from 
the fact of the Brazilian blockade fresh support to the 
great maritime principles to which you have been in- 
structed to endeavor to obtain the sanction of the American 
nations. 

I have the honor to be, gentlemen, your most obedient 

servant, 

H. Clay. 
Richard C. Anderson and 
John Sergeant, Esqrs., 

Appointed Envoys Extraordinary 

and Ministers Plenipotentiary of the 

United States to the Congress at Panama. 



151 
Supplt in' rdary Instructions. 

Department of State, 

Washington, March. 16, 1827. 

Gentlemen : By the appointment of Mr. Poinsett, made 
by ami with the advice ami consentof tin' Senate, as one 
of the ministers < >f the. United States to the Congress of 
the American nations expected to assemble at Tacubaya, 
you have become associated in that mission. Mr. Poin- 
sett, it is therefore anticipated, will he disposed cordially 
tu co-operate in the performance of those duties which have 
been enjoined by the instructions heretofore addressed to 
Mr. Anderson and Mr. Sergeant, or to either of them so 
far as they remain to be executed. And the President re- 
lies with great, confidence on the zeal and ability of both 
of you, to promote in this important service the interest of 
our country. 

The instructions addressed to Messrs. Anderson and 
Sergeant have been sufficienty explicit as to the nature of 
the'assembly. According to our views it is to be consid- 
ered as entirely diplomatic. No one of the represented 
nations is to be finally hound by anytreaty, convention, or 
compact to which it does not freely consent according to 
all the forms of its own particular Government. With 
that indispensable qualification, the mode of conducting 
the conferences and deliberations of the ministers is left to 
your sound discretion, keeping in view the observations 
which have been made in your general instructions. 

I am induced again to advert to this topic in consequence 
of a letter from the Colombian minister, under date the 
20th of November last (a copy of which is herewith trans- 
milted,) from the tenor of which it might probably be 
inferred as his opinion that a majority of voices in the 
assembly, on any given proposition, is to be decisive. We 
have not yet obtained copies of the treaties concluded at 
Panama which are mentioned in that note. To these we 
have a right, and we shall continue to expect them. 

We have no later information than thai contained in 
Mr. Sergeant's dispatch No. 1, under date the 19th of 
January last, and its accompaniments, as to the probable 



152 

time of the convention of the ministers of the several 
powers. The course which he adopted of announcing 
himself to such of them as had arrived at Mexico is ap- 
proved. From the answers he received to his note it 
appears that eight months, from the 15th of July last, 
were specified as the period within which the treaties con- 
cluded at Panama were to be ratified, and when it was 
expected the congress would again meet. That term ex- 
pired on the 15th instant. It is probable, therefore, that 
about this time the ministers of the various powers will 
assemble at Tacubaya. But if they should not meet be- 
fore the 1st of June next, Mr. Sergeant may, after that 
day, return to the United States without further deten- 
tion. In the event of his return Mr. Poinsett will con- 
sider the duties of the joint mission as devolving on him 
alone; and should the 'congress assemble subsequent to 
that period, and Mr. Sergeant should avail himself of the 
permission now given him to leave Mexico, Mr. Poinsett 
will attend the congress in behalf of the United States. 

The intelligence which has reached us from many 
points as to the ambitious projects and views of Bolivar, 
has abated the strong hopes which were once entertained 
of the favorable results of the Congress of the American 
nations. If that intelligence be well founded (as there is 
much reason to apprehend), it is probable that he does not 
look upon the congress in the same interesting light that 
he formerly did. Still the objects which are contemplated 
by your instructions are so highly important that the 
President thinks their accomplishment ought not to be 
abandoned whilst any hope remains. Their value does 
not entirely depend upon the forms of the governments 
which may concur in their establishment, but exist at all 
times and under every form of government. 

You will, in all your conversations and intercourse with 
the other ministers, endeavor to strengthen them in the 
faith of free institutions and to guard them against any 
ambitious schemes and plans, from whatever quarter they 
may proceed, tending to subvert liberal systems. 

Mr. Rochester, having been appointed charge" de"' Af- 
faires to Guatemala, Mr. John Speed Smith, of Kentucky, 



153 

formerly a member of the House of Representatives, is ap- 
pointed secretary to your mission. In the event of his ac- 
ceptance (of which advice lias not yet reached the Depart- 
ment), he is expected to proceed from Kentucky, by the 
way of New Orleans, to join you. 

You are at liberty to detain the bearer of this letter a 
reasonable time to convey any dispatches you may wish 
to forward to this Government. If you should not wish 
him to remain at Mexico for that purpose, after stopping 
about two weeks to recover from the fatigue of the journey 
and voyage, he will return to the United States with such 
dispatches as you may confide to him. 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant. 

H. Clay. 
Messrs. John Sergeant and J. R. Poinsett, 
Appointed Envoys Extraordinary and 

Ministers Plenipotentiary to Tacubaya, etc. 



HISTORICAL NOTES 

ON THE 

GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE AMERICAN 
REPUBLICS, 

COMMONLY KNOWN 

AS THE "CONGRESS OF PANAMA," 

AND 

THE OTHER ASSEMBLIES HELD, OR INTENDED TO BE 
HELD, UNTIL 18G4, 

BY 

Jose Ionacio Rodriguez. 



The two principal purposes which the genius of Bolivar 
wanted to accomplish through an International American 
Assembly at Panama, and which he himself called the 
" cardinal aims" of his aspirations, were : 

The establishment of certain fixed principles for securing the preser- 
vation of peace between the nations of America, and the concurrence 
of all those nations to defend their common cause, each one contribut- 
ing thereto upon the basis of its population. 

The letter which he wrote when at the head of the Re- 
public of Peru, dated Lima, December 7, 1824, inviting 
the governments of America to send representatives to 
Panama in order to hold the Conference, which he thought 
to be of such great importance, contains no indication 
that the United States were to be invited to take part in 
that meeting. Whether because Bolivar was fully aware 
of the interest which at that time prevailed in the United 
States of preserving and perpetuating, if possible, the 
African slavery,* a spirit which was fully at var-iance with 

* A convention had been made in 1834 between Colombia and the 
United States for the suppression of the slave trade; but it was rejected 
by the Senate. (Folio edition of the Foreign Relations of the United 
States, vol. 5, pp. 729-735.) 

155 



156 

his own, and with the ideas proclaimed in South America, 
where slavery had been abolished since 1813, or because of 
other reasons (a matter which needs not to be discussed at 
present), his invitation was extended only to Colombia, 
Mexico, Central America, the United Provinces of Buenos 
Ayres, Chili, and Brazil. 

As it appears from the records, the invitation to the 
Government of the United States was made only by the 
Governments of Colombia and Mexico, which claimed to 
have conceived, at the same time as Bolivar, the idea of 
causing a Congress of this kind to convene, and thought 
themselves, therefore, entitled to shape its organization. 

The learned author of the "Notes upon the Foreign 
Treaties of the United States," appended to the official 
edition of the "Treaties and Conventions concluded be- 
tween the United States of America and other Powers 
since July 4, 1770," has inserted under the head of " Co- 
lombia," page 1273, the following paragraphs: 

The Congress of Panama in 1826 was planned by Bolivar to secure 
the union of Spanish America against Spain. It had originally mil- 
itary as well as political purposes. In the military objects the United 
States could take no part; and indeed the necessity for such objects 
ceased when the full effects of Mr. Monroe's declarations were felt. 
But the pacific objects of the Congress, the establishment of close and 
cordial relations of amity, the creation of commercial intercourse, of 
interchange of political thought, and of habits of good understanding 
between the new Republics and the United States and their respective 
citizens, might perhaps have been attained, had the administration of 
that day received the united support of the country. Unhappily they 
were lost; the new States were removed from the sympathetic and 
protecting influence of our example, and their commerce, which we 
might then have secured, passed into other hands, unfriendly to the 
United States. 

In looking back upon the Panama Congress from this length of time, 
it is easy to understand why the earnest and patriotic men who en- 
deavored to crystallize an American system for this continent failed. 

* * * One of the questions proposed for discussion in the Confer- 
ence was " The consideration of the means to be adopted for the entire 
abolition of the African slave-trade," to which proposition the commit- 
tee of the United States Senate of that day replied: " The United States 
have not certainly the right, and ought never to feel the inclination, to 
dictate to others who may differ with them upon the subject; nor do the 
committee see the expediency of insulting other States, with whom we 



157 

are maintaing relations of perfect amity, by ascending the moral chair 
and proclaiming from thence mere abstract principles, of the rectitude 
of which each nation enjoys the perfect right of deciding for itself." 
The same committee also alluded to the possibility that the condition 
( »f the islands of Cuba and Porto Rico, still the possessions of Spain, and 
still slave-holding, might be made the subject of discussion and of con- 
templated action by the Panama Congress. " If ever the UnitedStates 
(they said) permit themselves to be associated with these nations in any 
general Congress assembled for the discussion of common plans in any 
way affecting European interests, they will, by such act, not only de- 
prive themselves of the ability they now possess of rendering useful 
assistance to the other American States, but also produce other effects 
prejudicial to their interests.* 

It did not, by any means, enter into the plans of Bolivar 
to consolidate the whole of Spanish America into a single 
nation. On the contrary, it appears from his famous 
"prophetic letter" that he considered such union as an 
impracticable scheme, owing to the "diversities of climate 
and geographical situation of the different Spanish Ke- 
publics, the immense distances which separate them from 
each other, their often conflicting interests, and other 
characteristic differences." 

But he wanted some strong bond of union to be created 
among them, which should preserve peace in this conti- 
nent, and afford protection to its inhabitants against for- 
eign aggression: 

How beautiful it would be [he said in the letter referred to] for the 
Isthmus of Panama to be for our nations what the Corinthian Isthmus 
was for the Greeks. Would to God that some day we might enjoy 
the happiness of having there an august Congress of representatives of 
the Republics, Kingdoms, and Empires of America to deal with the 
high interests of peace and of war with the nations of the other three 
parts of the world. 

In another letter, which he wrote to General Santander 
afew months after the invitation had been extended to the 
Governments of the Spanish American nations, he spoke 
of the United States, and of the advantages of an alliance 
with them; but showed, however, no desire that they 
should join the Congress. The Liberator thought that the 
danger of a desperate struggle between monarchical prin- 

*Sen. Ex. Doc. 112, second session Forty-first Congress, 7, 8. 



158 

ciples and the principle of popular government, or, as he 
said, "the cause of the thrones and the cause of liberty," 
was' then impending, and he believed that "the only 
means, if any, to meet that issue successfully was to cause 
a great Congress of plenipotentiaries to meet at the 
isthmus, give to it a vigorous organization, under a well- 
defined and comprehensive plan, with entire independence 
of the States represented by it, provide it with an army of 
at least one hundred thousand men, and a federal navy, 
and thus making it capable of conducting diplomatic 
affairs in the nice European fashion, and of securing an 
intimate and close alliance with England and North 
America." 

Bolivar's "prophetic letter" above referred to is one ot 
those documents which at once command admiration. As 
before stated, it was written in 1815, when the future 
Liberator was living the life of an exile, and struggling 
with all the hardships of extreme poverty at the city of 
Kingston, Jamaica, and no one could imagine that the 
scarcely initiated rebellion against the power of Spain 
could succeed in America.? 

He recognized that at such an earlier date as that at 
which he was writing it was " most difficult to foresee the 
future destinies of the provinces of Spanish America, 
speak of the political principles which should prevail in 
them, or indulge in any speculation about the nature of 
the government which they would adopt for themselves." 
But in spite of such difficulties he made his predictions, 
certainly not intended for publicity, but exclusively ad- 
dressed to the bosom friend with whom he corresponded, 
with such a strength and accuracy as to fully justify the 
insertion in this paper of some of his statements. 

• ■ The States of the Isthmus, from Panamato Guatemala," 
he said, " will form perhaps a Union. That magnificent 
portion' of America, situate between the two oceans, will 
be in clue time the emporium of the universe. Its canals 
will shorten the distance which separate the nations of 
the earth, and will render the commercial ties which 
-"■Fragments of this letter have been reprinted by General O'Leary 
in Vol. I, of bis Memoirs (Narration), page 291, and the following. 



159 

connect Europe, America and Asia, closer and stronger. 
The yieldings of the four parts of the world will be 
brought as a tribute to that happy section of the world. 
Perhaps the true capital of the earth might be established 
there, and be made exactly what Constantine desired that 
Byzance should be. f 
In speaking of Chili, Bolivar said: 

The Kingdom of Chili is called by nature, by its situation, by the 
iiabits and customs of its inhabitants, and by the example of its neigh- 
bors the proud republicans of Arauco, to enjoy the blessings of just 
laws and Republican institutions. If any Republic is to last long in 
America, I am inclined to think that that one will be Chili. The spirit 
of liberty has never been extinguished there, and the vices of Europe 
and Asia will never come, or will come very late, to corrupt the habits 
of that remote corner of the universe. Its territory is limited, and 
always will be free from the infectious contact of the rest of mankind; 
its laws and usages will not be easily changed; the uniformity of its 
political and religious ideas will be preserved; and in a word. Chili 
will be free. 

Peru, on the contrary, has two elements which are thoroughly inim- 
ical to any kind of just and liberal system of government — gold and 
slaves. The former corrupts all things; the latter is itself already cor- 
rupted and rotten.* 

In the year 1824, almost at the very moment in which 
the Spanish power in America was receiving its fatal blow 
at Ayacucho, when Bolivar was at the head of the Re- 
public of Peru and at the height of his glory, the occasion 
seemed to him to be propitious for the consummation of 
his favorite idea, and thereupon he issued from Lima the 
following circular: 

Lima, December 7, 1834. 

Great and Good Friend: After fifteen years of sacrifices devoted 
to the liberty of America to secure a system of guaranties that in 
peace ami war shall be the shield of our new destiny, it is time the 
interests and relations uniting the American Republics, formerly Span- 
ish colonies, should have a fundamental basis that shall perpetuate, if 
possible, those Governments. 

To initiate that system, and concentrate the power of this great polit- 
ical body, in i plies the exercise of a sublime authority, capable of direct- 
ing the policy of our Governments, whose influence should maintain 
uniformity of principles, and whose name alone should put an end to 
our quarrels. 

*Ibid., page 305, 



160 

Such a respectable authority can exist only in an assembly of pleni- 
potentiaries, appointed by each of our Republics, and called together 
under the auspices of the victory obtained by our arms over the Span- 
ish power. 

Profoundly imbued with these ideas, I invited, in 1833, as President 
of the Republic of Colombia, the Governments of Mexico, Peru, Chili, 
and Buenos Ayres to form a confederation, and hold on the Isthmus of 
Panama, or some other point agreeable to the majority, a congress of 
plenipotentiaries from each State ' ' that should act as a council in great 
conflicts, to be appealed to in case of common danger, and be a faith- 
ful interpreter of public treaties, when difficulties should arise, and 
conciliate, in short, all our differences." 

On the 6th of June of said year, the Government of Peru concluded 
a treaty of alliance and confederation with the Colombian plenipo- 
tentiary. By said treaty both parties bound themselves to interpose 
their good offices with the Governments of America lately Spanish, so 
that, all entering into the same agreement, the general congress of the 
confederates could be held. A similar treaty with Mexico was con- 
cluded on the 3d of October, 1833, by the Colombian envoy to that 
country; and there are strong reasons for hoping that other Govern- 
ments will also adopta policy dictated by their higher interests. 

Longer to defer the general Congress of the Plenipotentiaries of the 
Republics that in fact are already allied awaiting the accession of the 
others, would be to deprive ourselves of the advantages which that 
assembly will produce from its very incipiency. 

These advantages are largely increased, if we but contemplate the 
spectacle that the political world, and particularly that of the European 
continent, presents to us. 

A reunion of the plenipotentiaries of Mexico, Colombia, and Peru 
would be indefinitely delayed, if it should not be brought on by one of 
the same contracting parties, unless the time and place for the carry- 
ing out of this great object be determined by another and a special 
convention. 

Considering the difficulties and delays presented by the distance 
separating us, together with other grave motives the general interest 
suggests, determines me to take this step with a view of bringing about 
an immediate meeting of our plenipotentiaries, while the rest of the 
Governments may conclude the preliminaries already gone through by 
us concerning the appointment, and commissioning of their representa- 
tives. 

With respect to the time of the opening of the Congress, I make bold 
to think that no obstacle can oppose its verification within six months 
from this date; and I shall also go so far as to flatter myself that the 
ardent desire animating all Americans to exalt the power of the world 
of Columbus will diminish the obstacles and delays that the ministerial 
preparations demand, and the -distance separating the capitals of each 
state and the central point of the meeting. It seems that if the world 



161 

should have to choose its capital, the Isthmus of Panama would be se- 
lected for this grand destiny, located as it is in the center of the globe 
having on one side Asia, and on the other Africa and Europe The 
Isthmus of Panama has been tendered for this purpose in existing trea- 
ties by the Colombian Government. The Isthmus is equally distant 
from the extremities of the continent, and on this account ought to be 
Dhe provisional seat for the first meeting of the confederates. 

Yielding myself to these considerations. I am seriously inclined to 
send to Panama the delegates from this Republic immediately upon 
having the honor of receiving the desired reply to this circular. Noth- 
ing, certainly, can so realize the ardent desire of my heart as the agree- 
ment I hope for on the part of the confederated Governments to accom- 
plish this august act of America. 

Should your Excellency not adhere to this I foresee great delays an I 
injuries, at a time, too, when the movement of the world hurries every- 
thing on, and may accelerate to our harm. 
The first conferences between the plenipotentiaries once held, the seat 

of the Congress, as well as its powers, can be solemnly determi 1 In 

the majority, and then everything will have been realized. 

The day our plenipotentiaries make the exchanges of their powers 
will stamp in the diplomatic history of the world an immortal epoch 

When, after a hundred centuries, posterity shall search for the origin 
of our public law, and shall remember the compacts that solidified its 
destiny, they will finger with respect the protocols of the Isthmus In 
them they will find the plan of the first alliances that shall sketch the 
mark of our relations with the universe. What, then, shall be the 
Isthmus of Corinth compared with that of Panama? 
God preserve Your Excellency, 
Your great and good friend, 

t^c^ a rn ■ Simon Bolivar. 

Jose S. Carrion, 

Minister of Government and Foreign Relations. 

The first answer to this letter came from Colombia, and 
it was as follows: 

His Excellency General Simon Bolivar, etc. 

Great and Good Friend and Faithful Ally: I have read with the 
greatest pleasure your very estimable note dated at the city of Lima 
on the 7th of December ultimo, setting forth your earnest desire to see 
the States of America, which were Spanish, meeting in an assembly 
within six months, if possible. 

*! ^ u°T 6 extre, "" lv satisfactory to assure you that I, being ani- 
mated by the same sentiments, have taken at once all the necessary 
measures to hasten the accomplishment of an event of such great 
importance for our safety and future happiness. The necessities of the 
new American States, their position with regard to Europe, and the 
5C3a— vol 3 U 



162 

stubbornness of the King of Spain in not recognizing them as sovereign 
powers, demand from us, and from our dear allies, now more than 
ever, the adoption of a system of political combinations, which shall 
nip in the bud any attempt however to involve us in new calamities. 
The dangerous principle of intervention that some cabinets of the Old 
World have adopted, and carried on so earnestly in our own days, de- 
mands on our part serious consideration, not only because of its ten- 
dency to encourage the almost extinguished hopes of our obstinate 
enemies, but also on account of the obnoxious consequences which the 
introduction hi America of a rule, so subversive to the sovereign rights 
of the people, will necessarily produce. It seems to me, nevertheless, 
that however great our desire may be to lay, at least, the foundations of 
this work, the most wonderful ever undertaken and witnessed after 
the fall of the Roman Empire, our common interest requires the 
assembly of plenipotentiaries herein referred to to meet at the Isthmus of 
Panama, with the concurrence of all or at least the greatest part of the 
American governments, whether belligerents or neutral, as they all are 
interested in resisting the alleged right of intervention, of which some 
powers of the south of Europe have already been made the victims. 

In order to secure this concurrence, instructions have been sent, 
under date of the loth of July ultimo, to our charge d'affaires at Buenos 
Ayres, directing him to make efforts to persuade that Government to 
send plenipotentiaries to the assembly at Panama, although the steps 
taken in that direction in 1822 proved unsuccessful. We have also 
waited with the greatest anxiety for the ratification of our treaty of 
alliance and perpetual federation with the State of Chili, of which no 
information whatever has been yet received. And it is probable that 
the sessions of the present legislature will be closed without completing 
a similar compact with the Provinces of Guatemala, which are repre- 
sented at this Capital by a minister, and whose recognition we have 
withheld through considerations of respect to our faithful ally, the Re- 
public of Mexico. I therefore entertain the hope that the assembly of 
the American nations will consist of representatives of the Republics 
of Colombia, Mexico, Guatemala, Peru, and even Chili and Buenos 
Ayres, if, as it is probable, the policy of the latter country becomes 
more in harmony with ours, after the installation of the Congress of 
the United Provinces of the River Plata. 

In regard to the United States I have thought it advisable to invite 
them to join us in the august assembly of Panama, as I am firmly 
persuaded that none among the allies will fail to see with satisfaction 
those sincere and enlightened friends take part in our deliberations 
upon subjects referring to our common interest. The instructions 
which on this matter have been transmitted to our envoy extraordi- 
nary and minister plenipotentiary in Washington, will make you 
acquainted in full with the reasons which induced me to take this step. 

The Government of Colombia, will with great pleasure, within four 
months to be counted from the present day, appoint two plenipoten- 



1G3 

tiaries, who shall represent it at the Isthmus of Panama; and will give 
them instructions to meet the plenipotentiaries of Peru, andenterwith 
them immediately into such preliminary arrangements as may he re- 
. I uired for the opening of the General Assembly, which perhaps may 
take place on the 1st of October of the present year. For the purp, ee 
<>t facilitating this result. I dare to venture the following suggestions: 
1 irst, that the Governments of Colombia and Peru empower their pleni- 
potentiaries to hold preparatory conferences at the Isthmus of Panama 
and enter into direct correspondence with the secretaries of foreign rela- 
tions, of Mexico, Guatemala, Chili and Buenos Avres and urge them 
to send without any loss of time, plenipotentiaries of those Republics 
to the General Assembly. Second, that the plenipotentiaries of C. Nom- 
ina and Peru be given full liberty to select in the Isthmus of Panama 
such locality as they may deem to be the best, owing to its sanitary 
conditions, for the holding of the preparatory conferences. Third 
that upon the meeting at the Isthmus of Panama of the plenipoten- 
tiaries of Colombia, Peru, Mexico and Guatemala, or at least of three 
of the said Republics, power be given to them to appoint, by agreement 
the day of the opening of the General Assembly. Fourth, that the I len- 
ral Assembly of the Confederate States be given, in the same way full 
liberty to select within the Isthmus of Panama the place most suitable, 
on account of its sanitary conditions, for the holding of its sessions. 
Fifth, that the plenipotentiaries of Colombia and Peru beinstructed uoi 
to leave the Isthmus of Panama for any reason whatever, after the open- 
ing of the preparatory conferences, but remain there until the General 
Assembly of the Confederate States is open, and its sessions are termi- 
nated. 

I hope that these suggestions will show you how vivid is the interest 
that the Republic of Colombia feels toward seeing the great designs of 
Divine Providence accomplished in our beautiful hemisphere. I ask 
God fervently to keep you in His holy guard. 

Given, signed by my hand, and countersigned in the City of Bogota 
on the 6th of February of 1835, and the loth of the Independence of 
Colombia. 

F. de P. Santander. 
Pedro Gcai,. 

Secretary of Foreign Relations. 

Then came the answer from Mexico in the following 
terms: 

Palace of the Government at the City of Mexico, 

February 33, 1825. 
His Excellency the Liberator Simon Bolivar, etc. : 

Great and Good Friend: Your communication of December? ulti- 
mo, relative to your great project of causing an assembly of plenipo- 
tentiaries of the American Republics to convene for the purpose of 



164 

discussing principles affecting their interests and relations, lias been for 
rue a source of great satisfaction; much the more so, as I, resting on 
the same principles as you have set forth, and animated by the same 
wishes you express, had already in my mind to take the initiative by 
sending an envoy to you to discuss the same subject and suggest the 
same method as you propose. The fact that the ratification by the 
Government of Colombia of the treaty of October 3, 1823, has not been 
received, and that Mexico has not entered with the other nations of 
this continent, formerly Spanish colonies, into agreements of the same 
kind as that treaty, is not an obstacle against either extending or accept- 
ing the invitation to all the Governments to meet at the desired Con- 
gress, since the respective plenipotentiaries may be sent clothed with 
sufficient authority to negotiate treaties, and make them the first sub- 
ject of the deliberations of the assembly. 

You find yourself in the best possible circumstances to extend this in- 
vitation to the other Governments, because you are in the center of the 
Republics of South America, and can easily attend to the prompt 
sending of the plenipotentiaries to the place of meeting, a place which 
in my opinion must be by all means Panama. In regard to the time 
in which the Congress should open its sessions, I had thought of sug- 
gesting the 1st of November, taking into consideration the distances 
and the difficulties attending the travel of the plenipotentiaries; but if 
you think, as it seems, that the meeting can take place before, I have 
no objection to it; on the contrary, I will most earnestly indorse your 
views and cause the Mexican plenipotentiary to start as soon as you 
give me the proper notice. 

As I am persuaded that the cause of independence and liberty does 
not belong exclusively to the Republics which were Spanish colonies, 
but that it is also the cause of the United States of the North, I have 
directed the Mexican Minister there to make a suggestion to that effect 
to the President of that country, so as to enable him to send his envoys, 
if so wishes, to that assembly. 

I have the high honor to answer in this way to your above-mentioned 
note; and I avail myself of this opportunity to congratulate you di- 
rectly for your triumphs at Peru, where you have given the last blow 
to the Spanish rule in America. 

Your great and good friend, 

Guadalupe Victoria. 

The Republic of Chili, although never represented at the 
Assembly, accepted the invitation in the following terms : 

Santiago de Chile, July 4, 1825. 
His Excellency the Chief Magisteate of the Republic of Peru: 

Great and Good Friend : The Director of the Republic of Chili 
has received with particular satisfaction the note of Your Excellency 
inviting this Government to send plenipotentiaries to the Isthmus of 



165 

Panama, to join thorp those sent by the other States of America in 
the General Assembly called upon to consider the important subjects 
which your note describes. 

The Director can assure you, in answer, that his sublime project has 
been long ago in his mind, and occupied his attention. He is fully 
persuaded that America, after having secured her liberty at the cost of 
so many sacrifices, can not render that liberty permanent, or secure 
stability for her new institutions, unless through tlie instrumentality of 
such an Assembly. The fulfillment of this plan will largely contribute 
towards securing for our new nations the respect of Europe, and caus- 
ing her to see tlie majesty and strength of our Republics. Isolation 
may make us appear weak and small; but union will render us a most 
respectable body, with power enough to check ambitious pretensions, 
and intimidate Spain. 

So it is, that the wise suggestions made in your note, on this lauda- 
able subject, have caused tlie Director to be still more persuaded than 
he bad been before of the urgent necessity that said Assembly meet at 
the earliest possible time. 

But even if this Government were not animated by the feelings 
above explained, it would find itself bound by duty to comply with 
your wishes, because of the solemn treaty of friendship and alliance of 
December 23, 1822, between Chili anil Peru. 

It is unfortunate, however, that an obstacle presents itself, just at 
this moment, which the Government can not overcome, for the prompt 
accomplishment of this idea. That obstacle depends upon the fact that 
no legislative authority is as yet in existence to examine the bases 
suggested by the Colombian Government for the guidance of the plen- 
ipotentiaries in the said Assembly. But the Director flatters himself 
with the hope that the National Congress, which will soon meet, will 
devote its very first sessions to the discussion of this great subject. The 
Director assures you beforehand, that as soon as said Congress meet, 
which will be at the latest within two months, he will havespecial care 
in submitting this matter to its consideration, and will earnestly co-oper- 
ate, by all means in his possession, to the speedy appointment of plen- 
ipotentiaries on the part of Chili, and the accomplishment of an idea so 
utterly important for Chili and the whole of America. 

The Director of Chili avails liimself of this opportunity to renew the 
expressions of his most distinguished considerations. 

Ramon Feeire. 

Juan de Dios Vial del Rio, 

Secretary of Foreign Relations. 

Brazil and the United Provinces of the River Plata did 
not send plenipotentiaries to Panama: but their respective 
Governments substantially indorsed the Liberator's idea. 

The Chevalier de Janeiro, Brazilian Ambassador in 



166 

London, wrote to Senor Hurtado, the Colombian Minister 
at the same Court, under date of October 30, 1825, as fol- 
lows: 

I comply with a pleasant duty in informing you that the Emperor, 
my master, before whom I laid your note of the 7th of June ultimo, 
has been pleased to accept the formal invitation that the Colombian 
Government extends to Brazil to join the other States of America in 
the Assembly to be held at Panama, to settle in common their mutual 
relations and their respective political and commercial systems. 

Ho said, however, that the Brazilian plenipotentiaries 
could not be sent until after the negotiations relative to 
the recognition of the Empire were terminated, and that 
the action of said plenipotentiaries had to be in keeping 
with the strict neutrality which the Emperor had decided 
to maintain between the belligerent States of America and 
Spain. * 

The Buenos Ayres Government recommended its Con- 
gress, on August 1(3, 1825, to pass a bill authorizing the 
National Executive "to enter into a defensive alliance 
with the American States which formerly were Spanish, 
for supporting their independence and defending them 
against Spain or any other foreign power." 
The last clause of said bill reads as follows: 
The National Executive shall in due time send one or more plenipo- 
tentiaries to the Assembly of plenipotentiaries called by the Govern- 
ments of Colombia and Peru to convene for the purposes of this trill. + 
The letters printed elsewhere in this volume, addressed 
to Mr. Clay, Secretary of the United States, on November 
2 and November 3, 1825, respectively, the former by Don 
Jose Maria Salazar, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister 
Plenipotentiary of Colombia in Washington, and the 
latter by Don Pablo Obregon, Envoy Extraordinary and 
Minister Plenipotentiary of Mexico in the same Capital, 
and the answers given to them by Mr. Clay, as well as the 
Executive and other documents also printed in this Appen- 
dix, will give a full idea of what was done by the United 
States in respect to this scheme of unification of American 
ideas and interests. ____ 

*0'Leary's Memoirs, Vol. XXIV, page 287. 
f Ibid., page 267. 



167 

In Europe, where the purposes and intents of this Con- 
gress had been, if possible, magnified, both by the writ- 
ings of liberal leaders and advocates of benevolence and 
popular freedom.* and by the natural uneasiness which it 
caused among the partisans of absolute monarchy, public 
attention was thoroughly aroused. Great Britain and the 
Netherlands showed their desire to participate in, or at 
least to witness the movements made by the Assembly, 
and accredited to that effect their respective agents. 

The Colombian plenipotentiaries, Don Pedro Gual and 
Don Pedro Briceiio Mendez, referred to this subject in a 
communication to their Government of July 10, 1820, in 
the following terms : 

We have the honor to inclose a copy of the credentials which Mr. 
Dawkins placed in the hands of one of us on the day of the first meet- 
ing of the Assembly of Plenipotentiaries of the American Republics, 
You will see by that document what is the nature of the mission of 
that gentleman as Commissioner from His British Majesty. The 
Assembly has had no time so far to investigate what other purposes, if 
any, this mission is intended to accomplish. Nevertheless, judging by 
the conversations of Mr. Dawkins with some of the plenipotentiaries, 
it is apparent that the wishes of His British Majesty are in favor of I he 
termination of the war in this hemisphere. 

On the 8th instant. Chevalier Van Veer, a Colonel in the service of 
His Majesty the King of the Netherlands, arrived here. It is reported 
that he has been instructed by his Government to reside in this city 
(Panama) during the sessions of the Assembly. We do not know as 
yet the character of his mission, as no opportunity has presented itself 
for us to talk with him and find out the purposes of his coming here.* 

Restrepo, in his " History of the revolution of Colon 1 1 1 i a, " 
says in regard to this point: 

Mr. E. Dawkins and < Jolonel Van Veer, the former in behalf of Great 
Britain and the latter in behalf of the King of the Netherlands, went 
also to Panama, to reside there during the sessions, although without 
taking any part in the deliberations. * * * The conduct of the 



* " Congres de Panama." par M. de Pradt, ancien archeveque de Ma- 
lines. Paris. 1825. The author maintained that " history will never 

witness a more fitting expression of civilization than the American 
Congress. Europe has had two great Congresses, the one of Minister 
and the one of Vienna; what will they he in comparison with that 
Congress which America is now preparing herself to hold ?" 
*0'Leary's Memoirs, Vol. XXIV, page 335. 



168 

British Commissioner, Mr. Dawkins, during the sessions, was always 
noble and frank. He confined himself to advising the Plenipotentiaries 
of the new Republics to show respect to the institutions of all the other 
nations, to remove the suspicion, possibly to be entertained by the Eu- 
ropean powers, that Republican America was trying to establish a sys- 
tem of politics in opposition to theirs. He insisted with considerable 
strength and earnestness upon the advisability that America should 
give a proof of her love of peace by consenting to some sacrifices for 
its sake. He positively promised that Great Britain should interpose 
her mediation with Spain, with good hopes of success, if the negotiation 
was conducted upon the basis of granting Spain a pecuniary indemni- 
fication. He stated that France would not lend her co-operation if 
that basis was not accepted by the American Republics; that Great 
Britain unaided by France could not accomplish much; and that it was 
advisable not to lose any time and open negotiations as early as practi- 
cable, so as to avoid such future complications as might be feared 
from the already initiated intervention of Russia at the request of the 
United States. Mr. Dawkins insisted so much upon this point that 
every one saw plainly that the principal object of his mission was to 
carry it on. He always said, however, that in this he expressed his 
own views, and not those of his Government. In spite of these assur- 
ances, he could not conceal his disappointment when he saw the Assem- 
bly adjourning without having taken any step towards securing peace 
with Spain; but, nevertheless, when he left the Isthmus and parted from 
the plenipotentiaries, he did so with sentiments of great friendship, 
especially towards Colombia, for whose plenipotentiaries he had always 
showed particular respect. 

Colonel Van Veer had no public character in Panama. His mission 
was private. He confined himself to express to the plenipotentiaries 
the ardent wishes of His Majesty the King of the Netherlands for the 
happiness of the allied Republics, and explained that his sovereign 
had not yet recognized their independence, only because of the regard 
he had to pay the great Powers of Europe. He added however that 
said recognition should soon be made.* 

The purposes and intents of this Assembly, so far at 
least as Bolivar's idea was concerned, can not be better 
understood than by perusing the instructions framed by 
his order for the Plenipotentiaries of Peru. They clearly 
show what the aims of the Liberator were, and the failure 
by the Assembly to shape by them its action sufficiently 
explains not only the disappointment of the illustrious 
author of the idea, but the lack of practical results of the 

* Union latino-americana. By J. M. Torres Caicedo. Paris, 1865. 
Pages 35 and 36. 



169 

great movement started by him, which, if carried into 
effect, would have hastened half a century the abolition 
of slavery, extirpated from Spanish-America the Spanish 
colonial system, avoided war and revolutions in the Latin- 
American Republics, and rendered them as powerful and 
as near a unit as the most enthusiastic advocates of Latin- 
American Union could ever have desired. 

This is the text of those instructions, dated Lima, May 
15, 1825. 

Instructions that are to govern the conduct of the Ministers Pleni- 
potentiary from Peru to the Great Congress on the Isthmus of 
Panama. 

Article I. 
Its excellency the council of government, being satisfied of your 
ability, patriotism, and other commendable qualities, has been pleased 
to appoint you Ministers Plenipotentiary to the great Federal Congress 
of the American States which will be held at the Isthmus of Panama, 
and rests assured that you, corresponding to this proof of confidence, 
will do every thing in your power to accomplish in full the high pur- 
poses which the Government has had in view when intrusting you 
with the important mission of representing the national interests in 
that great General Assembly. 



As soon as you have met the Plenipotentiaries who will be sent by 
Colombia to the Isthmus of Panama, you shall consider yourselves 
authorized to enter into direct correspondence with the secretaries of 
foreign relations of Mexico, Guatemala, Chili, and Buenos Ayres, and 
sh< iw them the urgent necessity that they send, without losing a moment, 
their respective Plenipotentiaries to the General Congress. 

Article III. 

The selection of a place at the Isthmus of Panama, or elsewhere, which, 
on account of its salubrity and geographical position, may be the besl 
for holding the preliminary conferences, is left to your discretion. In 
this you will proceed in accord with the other Plenipotentiaries who 
will be there on the 1st of June next. 

Article IV. 

As soon as the Plenipotentiaries of Colombia, Mexico, and Guatemala, 
or at least those of Colombia and Mexico, shall arrive at the isthmus, 
you shall proceed, in accord with them, to appoint a day for the 
inauguration of the Congress, 



170 

Article V. 

You shall for no reason, and under no circumstances, absent your- 
selves from the isthmus, or the place of residence, whatever it is, 
selected for the Congress, before the sessions thereof have been closed. 

Article VI. 

You shall make every effort to secure the great compact of union, 
league, and perpetual confederation against Spain, and against foreign 
rule, of whatever character, to be renewed in the most solemn manner. 

Article VII. 

You shall endeavor to obtain from the great Congress of the Ameri- 
can States the issuing of a proclamation, setting forth the narrow 
views and designs of Spain, the immense harm which her Government 
has done to America, and the political course of action which Amer- 
ica proposes to pursue in her relations with the powers of the world, 
namely, friendship to all, and strict neutrality. 

Article VIII. 

Whereas the Spanish Government will always be able, as long as 
the Islands of Puerto Rico and Cuba belong to Spain, to promote dis- 
cord, encourage domestic troubles, and threaten the independence and 
peace of many countries of America, you shall make efforts to cause 
the Congress to decide about the fate of both islands. If the Congress, 
sensitive to the true interests of the. countries represented by it, be- 
lieves that it is advisable for them to free those islands, you shall enter 
into a treaty to that effect with the other States, setting forth in detail 
what forces of land and sea, and what sum of money, each State of 
America shall have to contribute for that important operation. Said 
treaty shall provide also whether said islands, or any of them separately, 
shall be annexed to some one of the Confederated States, or left at 
liberty to select by themselves, as they deem best, their own govern- 
ment. 

Article IX. 

Should it be decided that the Islands of Puerto Rico and Cuba are 
to be annexed to one of the States, you shall endeavor to secure also 
the further decision of the question whether the State to which they 
will be annexed shall or shall not be bound to pay the expenses in- 
cm-red for their emancipation; and, if yea, what the manner and terms 
of payment shall be. 

Article X. 

If it be decided that the fate of the islands is to be left to them, you 
shall endeavor to secure some declaration on the question whether they 
shall or shall not be required to repay the expenses incurred; and, if 
yea, about the manner and terms of payment. 



171 

Article XI. 

You shall endeavor to negotiate treaties of friendship, navigation 
and commerce with the new American States as allies and confed- 
erates. 

Article XII. 

You shall also negotiate with the same States a consular convention 
defining clearly and distinctly the prerogatives of their respective con- 
suls. 

Article XIII. 

You shall see that the proclamation which, under article 7 of these 
instructions, must be issued and published by the Great Congress of 
the Isthmus, contains such an energetic and efficient declaration as that 
made by the President of the United States of America in his message 
to Congress of last year in regard to the necessity for the European 
power of abandoning all ideas of further colonization on this emi- 
nent, and in opposition to the principle of intervention in, air domestic 
affairs. 

Article XIV. 

You shall exert yourselves in securing by common consent the de- 
termination or settlement of disputed points in international law 
especially those affecting the relations between belligerents and neutral 
nations. 

Article XV. 

You shall urge some declaration to be made as to the relations both 
political and commercial, to be established between us and those por- 
tions of our hemisphere, as San Domingo and Havti. who emancipated 
themselves from their mother country, but have not as yet succeeded 
in obtaining recognition by any power, whether European or American . 

Article XVI. 

Inasmuch as. in view of the exhausted condition to which all the 
American States have been reduced by the recent struggles, there is 
danger that one of them, if invaded and left to defend itself alone 
would find itself involved in a prolonged and ruinous contest, which 
would end in its destruction, you shall endeavor to negotiate a treaty 
by which all of the new American States attending the Congress be 
united in a close alliance both offensi ve and defensive. That treatv 
shall fix the contingent of forces of land and sea. and other assistance 
which each nation should contribute for the defense of the invaded 
State. 



172 

Article XVII. 

Pursuant to the indications contained in the preceding article, you 
shall interest yourselves in securing on the part of the American 
States attending the Congress of the Isthmus, the adoption and vigor- 
ous enforcement of a well combined plan of hostilities against Spain, 
so as to compel her Government to make peace and recognize the inde- 
pendence of the American Continent. It would be conducive to this 
end not to permit commerce with Spain, even in an indirect manner, 
at any place in the States with which she is at war, and declare there- 
fore the products of Spanish soil and industry and the vessels which 
carry them, under whatever flag, liable to confiscation; to forbid the 
Spaniards who left during the course of the revolution to return to 
America before the peace is made ; to keep under embargo for the 
same period of time the property of those absentees ; to aid by all 
means possible the fitting up and arming of privateers which should 
embarrass or destroy Spanish travel and commerce ; to demand from 
Spain, as a "conditio sine qua non" for the establishment of peace, 
or the negotiation of treaties of commerce, a solemn recognition on 
her part of the independence of all the American States; and to cause 
the said States to pledge themselves not to accept respectively any rec- 
ognition of their own individual independence, unless it is coupled 
with that of all the others. 

Article XVIII. 

You shall endeavor to secure that the boundaries of the American 
States be fixed by agreement among themselves upon the basis 
that each one shall retain the territory which it possessed when the 
revolution began; and you shall be particular in this point, and not 
allow the limits to be described vaguely and indefinitely, but see on the 
contrary that they are clearly and precisely described, taking advan- 
tage as far as practicable of natural and well known landmarks as 
large rivers or mountains, so as to make the division of the States 
conformable with what nature itself has marked, and avoid in the fut- 
ure all possibility of dispute. 

Article XIX. 

As America is in need of a long period of rest and peace for recover- 
ing from the harm she has suffered in the war with Spain, and as a 
tendency towards local independence and sovereignty is clearly notice- 
able through the whole of the continent, you shall endeavor to settle 
these questions which may arise out of this tendency, and obtain some 
decision about what portion of the new States can be considered repre- 
sentatives of the sovereignty and national will, and in what manner 
can this will be expresse 1 to have legal effects. 



173 

Article XX. 

After this point is decided, you shall endeavor to obtain a declara- 
tion to the effect that the American States far from encouraging and 
aiding seditious and ambitious disturbers of the public peace and order, 
will on the contrary co-operate with each other, by all means in their 
possession, in supporting and maintaining all legally constituted govern- 
ments. 

Article XXI. 

You shall earnestly interest yourselves in securing from the General 
Assembly the enacting of such measures as may be deemed to be most 
efficient for the suppression of the slave-trade in America. 

Article XXII. 

You shall see that the treaties agreed upon at the great Federal Con- 
gress of the American States, after their being properly ratified by the 
respective Governments, be promulgated as the public law of America, 
and made obligatory on all the States which were parties thereto. 

The "General Assembly of the American Republics " 
met at Panama on the 22d of June 1826, at 11 o'clock a. 
m., the following nations being represented : 

Colombia, by two delegates, Don Pedro Gual and Don 
Pedro Briceilo Mendez: 

Central America', by two delegates, Don Antonio Larra- 
zabal and Don Pedro Molina. 

Peru, by two delegates, Don Manuel Lorenzo Vidanrre 
and Don Manuel Perez de Tudela. 

Mexico, by Don Jose" Mariano Michelena. (The other 
delegate, Don Jose" Dominguez, was sick and could not at- 
tend the first meeting. ) 

Two Cubans of great distinction, both of them exiled 
from their country, on account of their political opinions, 
performed the duties of Secretaries. One of them was Don 
Fructuoso del Castillo, aide-de-camp of the Colombian 
plenipotentiary. General Bricefio Mendez, and the other 
was Don Jose" Agustin de Arango, Secretary of the Peru- 
vian delegation. 

The Assembly held ten meetings as follows: June 22, 
June 23, July 10, July 11 in the morning, July 11 in the 
evening, July 12, July 13, July 11 in the morning, July 



174 

14 in the evening, and July 15, 1826, and accomplished the 
following: 

1 A " treaty of union, league, and perpetual confederation," a very 
extensive and interesting instrument, containing thirty-one articles 
(and an additional article), signed July 15, 1826. 

2 An agreement (concierto) under article 11th of the above, contain- 
in-' ten articles, and providing that the Congress should meet periodi- 
cally (once every two years in times of peace, and once a year as long 
as tlie troubles with Spain should continue) at Tacubaya, Mexico, and 
fixing the qualification of the members of that Congress, etc. _ 

' 3 A convention (convencion de contingentes) fixing the contingent of 
troops of each Republic for a permanent army of 60,000 men, and their 
support, etc. (twenty-four articles). 

4 An agreement (concierto) additional to the above as to the organi- 
zation of "that army, and their movements, etc, (twenty-two articles). 

The text of the protocols of the ahove said conferences, 
never before published in English, so far as the author 
of these notes is informed, deserves to be read with atten- 
tion. These protocols are historical documents of the 
utmost importance, and are worthy to be preserved. 

They read as follows: 

I. 

Protocol of the first verbal conference held at the City of Panama 
on the 22rt of June, 1826, between the Ministers Plenipotentiary of 
the Republics of Colombia, Central America, Peru, and the United 
Mexican States. 

The Plenipotentiaries of the above-named Republics, to wit: His Ex- 
cellency Pedro Gual and His Excellency Brigadier-General Pedro 
Hnc-no Mrnde/. for Colombia; His Excellency Doctor Antonio Larraza- 
bal and His Excellency Pedro Molina, for Central America; His Ex- 
cellency Don Manuel Lorenzo Vidaurre, and His Excellency Don 
Manuel Perez de Tudela, for Peru; and His Excellency Brigadier-Gen- 
eral Don Jose Mariano Michelena, for the United Mexican States, hav- 
ing met this day at 11 o'clock a. in., at the Hall of Sessions of the City 
Hall in this city, proceeded at once to organize the Conference and fix 
the order of precedence. It was resolved that said precedence during 
the whole of the present Congress, and for nothing else than its meet- 
ings, would be decided by lot; and the lot, having been drawn, the 
result was as expressed in the beading. 

It was stated that His Excellency Don Jose Dommguez, a plenipo- 
tentiary from the United Mexican States, could not attend this meeting 
on account of sickness. 



175 

Tn regard to the Presidency it was resolved thai the chair should be 
occupied by turn by the Plenipotentiaries, in the same order as stated 
above with respect to the precedence. 

The Plenipotentiaries then proceeded to exchange and examine their 
respective full powers, which they compared with the copies already 
prepared to that effeet, and found them to be good and in due form. 

The decision about the manner of voting was reserved for thenexl 
meeting, to be held to-morrow at 7 o'clock p. m. 

Pedro Gual. P. BeicbSo Mendez. 

Antonio Larrazabal. Pedro Molina. 

M. L. Vidaurre. Manuee Perez de Tudela. 

J. M. MlCHELENA. Jose DOMINGDEZ. 



II. 

Protocol of the second verbal conference held between tin- Plenipotentia- 
ries of tin' Republics of Colombia, Central America, Peru, and tin 
l 'nihil Mexican States, <it Panama, mi June 23, 1826. 

All the Plenipotentiaries were present. 

The ( '.inference was called to order at 7 o'clock p. in., and His Ex- 
cellency General Michelena introduced to the Assembly His Excellency 
Don Jose Domingujz, whose full powers were exchanged, examined, 
and found good and in due form. 

Sefior Gual laid before the assembly a communication, addressed to 
him as president of the same, by Mr. Edward James Dawkins, accom- 
panying his credentials as an Envoy of the British Government, wherein 
it was set forth, among other things, that Mr. Dawkins bad deserved the 
confidence of His Majestj .and had been directed t" reside at whatever 
place the Congress of Plenipotentiaries of the American Republics 
should meet, and place himself al once with the said plenipotentiaries 
in frank and friendly communication. The assembly, taking into con- 
sideration the generous and liberal policy <•( (he government of His 

British Majesty towards the- American States, resolved that a letter of 

attention he written to His Excellency Secretary Canning in answer to 
the above, and another to Mr. Dawkins, in acknowledgment of the re- 
ceipt of his credentials. 

Consideration on the subject of voting having been resumed, it was 
resolved that each delegate shall have only one vote in the treaties made 
or resolutions taken by the assembly, and that said vote shall be con- 
fined only to accept, reject, or leave pending any article of the projects 
presented to them: but in the tatter case the articles left pending shall 
be written apart and considered as " additional," if the majority of 
the delegations accept them, so as to see whether the respective gov- 
ernment does or does not grant to it its ratification. 

The Plenipotentiaries of Peru submitted a draft of treaty containing 
several articles. 



176 

The Plenipotentiaries of Colombia entered a formal protest against 
certain communication published to-day in an extra edition of the 
Gaceta. of this city*; and the Plenipotentiary alluded to in this mat- 
ter explained to the assembly that he had not intended to do wrong 
or injury to any one, and that he was ready to make amends as might 
be desired. The Plenipotentiaries of Colombia said that they did not 
demand any apology, but only desired a general resolution to be passed 
on the subject. It was thereupon resolved that in the future no other 
methods than the usual diplomatic ones be resorted to by the plenipo- 
tentiaries accredited to this Congress for their communications with 
each other. 

The diaft of the treaty presented by the Plenipotentiaries of Peru 
was then read, and it was resolved to take up and consider one after 
another its different articles, in informal conferences, and to prepare a 
counter-draft if necessary. 

P. Briceno Mendez. P. G-ual. 

Antonio Larrazabal. Pedro Molina. 

Manuel Perez de Tudela. M. L. Vidaurre. 

J. M. Michelena. Jose Dominguez. 

III. 

Protocol of the third verbal conference held between the Plenipotentia- 
ries of the Republics of Colombia, Central America, Peru, and the 
United Mexican States, at Panama, on the 10th of July, 1826. 

All the Plenipotentiaries were present. 

The conference met at 10.45 a. m. 

The protocol of the conference of the 23d of June last was read, 
approved, and signed. 

Discussion having arisen on the subject whether in addition to the 
protocols to be kept by each delegation, a general one was to be made 
for the archives of the assembly, it was resolved that the said general 
protocol should be made and left, together with all the documents and 
papers belonging to the office of the secretaries of the assembly, in 
charge of the plenipotentiaries of the country in whose territory the 
assembly meets. 

The plenipotentiaries of Colombia, Central America, and the United 
Mexican States submitted a counter-draft of a treaty, which had been 
framed upon consideration in informal conferences of the draft sub- 
mitted by the plenipotentiaries of Peru. 

The preamble of the said counter-draft was read and approved. 

Articles 1 and the following to the 10th, inclusive, were read and ap- 
proved. 

* This was a long address of the Peruvian Plenipotentiary, Seiior 
Vidaurre, giving advice to his colleagues. It is printed page 329, vol, 
xxiv (Documents) of O'Leary's Memoirs, 



177 

Article 11 was taken up and left pending until the agreement to 
which it refers be considered and passed upon. 

P. Gual. p. Bkiceno Monedez. 

Antonio Larrazabal. Pedro Molina. 

M. L. Vidaukre. Manuel Perez de Tudela. 

J. M. MaiiELENA. Jose Dominguez. 



Protocol of the fourth verbal conference In 1,1 between the plenipotenti- 
aries of the Republics of Colombia, Central America, Peru, and the 
United Mexican Statesat Panama, on the Utli of July, ls->6. 

All the plenipotentiaries were present. 

The conference was called to order at half-past 10 o'clock a, m. 

The protocol of the preceding day was read and approved. 

The agreement referred to in article 11 of the treaty was taken up 
for discussion. Its ten first articles were read and approved, m itwith- 
standing the opposition made to article 1 by the plenipotentiaries of Co- 
lombia and Central America, founded upon the advantages which, in 
their opinion, the Isthmus of Panama and Guateinala,°respective]y. 
afforded to make either of them the permanent place of residence of 
the assembly, owing to their central position in regard to the States 
north and south of this continent. The plenipotentiaries of Peru con- 
sented to article 3, reserving to consult then- Government on the sub- 
ject of rank. 

Article 11 of the agreement and the following to article 20. inclusive. 
were read and approved. 

Article ','1 was read, but the plenipotentiaries of Central America 
moved to supplement its provisions by means of an additional article, 
whereby the limits of each nation, as fixed by amicable arrangements 
to be made according to circumstances, should be mutually Guaran- 
tied. 

The proposed additional article is as follows: 

Art. 22. The contracting parties mutually guaranty to each other 
the integrity of their respective territories, such as they may be finally 
determined by treaties of limits entered into between themselves; and 
the territory thus defined shall be placed under the protection of the 
confederacy. 

Upon the proper consideration the proposed addition was approved 
and it was resolved to insert it in the agreement as article 22. 

Article 21 was then approved. 

Articles23, 24. and 25 were read and approved. The Plenipotentiaries 

of Central America stated that although they objected to a portion of 

their contents, they nevertheless gave them their approval, because a 

considerable lapse of time has necessarily to intervene between n< »w and 

5G3a— VOL 3 U 



178 

the execution of its provisions, and they have therefore ample oppor- 
tunity to consult their government upon the subject. 

P. Gual. P. Briceno Mendez. 

Antonio Larrazabal. Pedro Molina. 

Manuel Perez de Tudela. M. L. Vidaurre. 

J. M. Michelena. Jose Dominguez. 

V. 

Protocol of the fifth verbal conference held between the Plenipoten- 
tiaries of Colombia, Central America, Peru, and the United Mexican 
States at Panama, on the lUh of July, 1826. 

All the Plenipotentiaries were present. 

The Conference was called to order at half past 7 o'clock p. m. 

The protocol of the preceding session was read and approved. 

Article 26 and the following to article 30 of the treaty of league in- 
clusive were taken up, read, discussed, and approved. 

The additional article of the same treaty was read and approved. 

The '• convention on contingents," such as framed by the plenipoten- 
tiaries in informal conferences, was then taken up and read. 

The preamble was adopted. 

Article 1 was also approved, with the understanding that the duty of 
furnishing troops was to be pro rata of the population of each State, 
calculated as follows : Colombia, 3,000,000 ; Central America, 1,300,000 ; 
Peru, 1,000,000 ; and the United Mexican States 6,500,000. It was 
stated also that although the population of Colombia and Mexico is 
not exactly the same as calculated, both nations, however, agree to 
furnish the contingent assigned to them for the completion of the 
army of 60,000 men. 

Article 2 was read, and was left pending until the agreement to 
which it refers be acted upon. 

P. Gual. P. Briceno Mendez. 

Antono Larrazabal. Pedro Molina. 

M. L. Vidaurre. Manuel Perez de Tudela. 

J. M. Michelena. Jose Dominguez. 

VI. 
Protocol of the sixth verbal conference held between the Plenipoten- 
tiaries of Colombia, Central America, Peru, and the United Mexican 
States at Panama, on the V2th of July, 1826. 

All the Plenipotentiaries were present. 

The Conference was called to order at 12.15 p. m. 

The protocol of the preceding session was read and approved. 

The provisional agreement referred to in article 2 of the " convention 
on contingents," left pending in the preceding session, was read and 
discussed. The Plenipotentiaries of Central America explained the dif- 



179 

Acuities which their own government would find for fulfilling the 

obligations which said agreement imposes upon it; said difficulties 
being in substance on the one side the scarcity of funds, and on the 
other side the lack of means on the Atlantic coast for the transpor- 
tation of troops, it being almost impossibile to send them by land, at 
enormous distances, to the invaded places when they were needed. 

The plenipotentiaries of the United Mexican States agreed to the 
provision, with the understanding that whenever their government 
should need the assistance of Central America only troops would !«■ 
asked for, said troops to lie sent by land, by the shortest route, to the 
place of destination. 

The other plenipotentiaries stated that this method, as well as every- 
thing relative to the wisdom, advisability, and facility of mutually 
asking and lending assistance herein provided for should be left to 
the respective governments, which would make them the subject of 
special agreements. Nevertheless it was resolved that an article should 
be drafted, and it was drafted to that effect. Said article, and all 
others to article 14, were approved. 

The discussion of the "convention on contingents" was resumed, and 
all its articles, from article 3 to article 10, were approved. It was re- 
solved that everytlung agreed to in regard to the confederate navy 
should be set forth separately and added to this agreement 

Article 11 and the following to article IT inclusive were read and 
approved, it being understood that nothing said in article 16 in regard 
to the total appropriation of the prizes shall be construed as depriving 
the States where the prizes are to be sold of the right of collecting such 
import dues and municipal taxes as may be established. 

In regard to the first part of article 16, the plenipotentiaries of the 
United Mexican States and of Central America set forth that the 
agreement therein referred to can not be negotiated at present, be- 
cause it involves the determination of certain points of public law, on 
which they can not pass any opinion until specially instructed on the 
subject by their own governments. 

Articles 17, 18. 19, 30, 31, 22, 33, and 34 of the said convention were 
then read and approved. 

P. Gual. P. Briceno Mendez. 

Antonio Larrazabal. Pedro Molina. 

M. L. Vldaurre. Manuel Perez de Tudela. 

J. M. MlCHELENA. JOS DOMINGUEZ. 

VII. 

Protocol of the seventh verbal conference In hi between Ike Plenipo 
tentiaries of Colombia, Central America. Pern, and the United 
Mexican States at Panama, on the 13th of July, 1826. 

All the plenipotentiaries were present. 

The Conference was called to or ler at 11 o'clock a. m, 



180 

The protocol of the preceding session was read and approved. 

The articles relating to the separate agreement referred to in article 
10 of the project of convention for a confederate navy, were presented. 
Said article, and the following to article 22, which is the last, were 
approved. 

The chairman stated that Colonel Van Veer had requested him to 
tell the assembly that His Majesty the King of The Netherlands had 
instructed him privately to come to Panama, and express in his name 
to the plenipotentiaries attending this Congress his earnest and sincere 
wishes for the happiness of the allied Republics; that he had been or- 
dered by His Majesty to reside wherever the assembly should hold its 
sessions: that His Majesty had not as yet made a formal recognition 
of the independence of the new American States, formerly Spanish 
colonies, because such a recognition was not of great importance for the 
said States, and because His Majesty desired not to disturb in any way, 
for the time being, the relations of harmony in which His Majesty was 
with the other powers of Continental Europe; that His Majesty had 
nevertheless appointed two consuls-general, one for Colombia and an- 
other for Mexico, and that it was probable that some public character 
should be given also to Mr. Van Veer himself. 

Sefior Michelena said that Mr. Van Veer had made to him the same 
request; that he had received from the Minister of Holland at London 
a letter of recommendation of Mr. Van Veer; that when he was in 
London as Minister from Mexico the Government of Holland had ex- 
pressed to him its sentiments of consideration and esteem towards the 
allied Republics; and that he himself had appointed temporarily a con- 
sul of Mexico at the Netherlands, and that the Minister of that country 
had granted the exequatur. 

It was resolved that the same gentlemen who had been requested by 
Mr. Van Veer to make this verbal and confidential communication 
should assure him in answer, in the same way, of the high appreciation 
by the Assembly of the feelings of His Majesty the King of the Nether- 
lands; that as Mr. Van Veer has not presented any kind of credentials 
the Assembly can not have with him any formal intercourse; but that 
the Plenipotentiaries who compose the Congress will have no objection 
to frankly, communicate with him personally on any subject which 
might have a bearing, even indirectly, on the Netherlands, owing to the 
good qualities of Mr. Van Veer and the generous policy of His Majesty 
the King of Holland. 

Sefior Michelena stated that the occasion might again present itself 
for England to offer her mediation with Spain for the recognition of 
the independence of the American States which were formerly Spanish 
colonies. His Excellency related what had taken place on this subject 
between Mexico and England, owing to the proposition made by the 
latter to interpose her influence with Spain to secure peace, and said that 
the Mexican Government, acceding to this suggestion, had accepted 
the mediation. Sefior Michelena said further that when he was in 



181 

London as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of 
Mexico, England continued negotiations in the same sense, although 

her plan was then that France should co-operate with the British Gov- 
ernment; that Mr. Villele, the French minister, who at first offered 
the mediation of his Government, changed his mind afterwards, and 
declared that nothing definite could he done until hearing from Mr. 
Samuel, who was then in America; that England had said then that 
whatever course France might take, she (England) would pursue the same 
line ■>!' policy, as she had done; that she had inquired from him (S. ifior 
Michelena) upon what basis the negotiation could be conducted, and 
that he had answered that tin.' first and principal condition was the full 
recognition of the absolute independence of the Americas; that the new- 
States would not ask for any indemnification; that Mexico would go 
as far as to ask nothing in payment of the debt of more than sixty 
millions of dollars which weighed upon the Republic and was caused 
by Spain ; and that some agricultural and ruining, and perhaps indus- 
trial, advantages might also be given Spain. His Excellency said 
finally that in the end the Spanish ( government refused to consider the 
matter at all, on the ground that even to touch it was unpopular and 
dangerous in Spain. 

Senor Tudela stated that Spain had sent to London secret agents for 
the purpose of negotiating for the recognition of the States of America 
upon the basis of a pecuniary indemnification, but that the Govern- 
ment of Peru had instructed its envoys at London not to accede to any 
treaty of peace upon such a basis, and confine themselves to grant S] lain 
some commercial advantages in Peru, but always upon the previous 
arrangement of an armistice. His excellency said further that every- 
thing having a bearing upon this subject must be brought before the 
Assembly, where the negotiations can be more speedily conducted. 

Senor Michelena. after having given in full his views on this subject . 
and shown its gravity and importance, stated that, as the occasion 
might present itself again for a mediation on the part of England, it 
was advisable for the Assembly to take the subject under considera- 
tion, so asto determine whether it was proper tore-open the interrupted 
negotiations, with the concurrence of all the allies, ami without con- 
tracting, for the time being, any obligation as to granting any special 
advantages to Spain, but requiring an armistice to be arranged during 
the negotiations. 
The Assembly resolved to consider this matter on the following day. 

P. Gual. P. Briceno Mendez. 

Antonio Larrazabal. Pedro Molina. 

M. L. Vidaurre. Manuel Perez de Tudela. 

J. M. Michelena. Jose Dohinguez. 



182 



Protocol of the eighth verbal conference held between the Plenipoten- 
tiaries of Colombia, Central America, Peru, and the United Mexican 
States at Panama, on the 14£7i of Jidy, 1826. 

All the Plenipotentiaries were present. 

The Conference was called to order at half past 11 o'clock a. in. 
The protocol of the preceding session was read and approved. 
The discussion on the mediation of England to make peace with Spain, 
as suggested by Senor Michelena, was continued ; and after a long de- 
bate it was resolved to postpone consideration of the subject, until the 
next meeting, the Plenipotentiaries being requested, however, to bring 
each one in a definite and concrete form a statement of his ideas on the 
subject. 

P. Gual. P. Briceno Mendez. 

Antonio Laeeazabal. Pedro Molina. 

M. L. Vidaurre. Manuel Perez de Tudela. 

J. M. Michelena. Jose Dominguez. 



IX. 



Potocol of the ninth verbal conference heldbetween the Plenipotentiaries 
of Colombia, Central America, Peru, and the United Mexican States 
at Panama, on the Uth of Jidy, 1826. 

All the Plenipotentiaries were present. 
The Conference was called to order at 9 o'clock p. m. 
The protocol of the preceeding session was read and approved. 
The pending discussion on the mediation of England for peace with 
Spain was resumed ; and as several opinions were presented, and no 
agreement was reached as to the basis on which the negotiation was 
to be conducted, because the Plenipotentiaries had no instructions what- 
ever from their governments in regard to this point, it was resolved 
that said instructions should be asked for, and that in the mean time 
each one of the allied Republics would be at liberty to make such efforts 
as might be proper for securing peace, as provided by article 10 of the 
treaty of league, as if said treaty had been ratified, and was therefore 
binding upon all. 

Pedro Gual. P. Briceno Mendez. 

Manuel Perez de Tudela. M. L. Vidaurre. 
Antonio Larrazabal. Pedeo Molina. 

J. M. Michelena. Jose Dominguez. 



183 



x. 

Protocol of the tenth verbal conference held between the Plenipotentia- 
ries of the Republic* of Colombia, Central America, Peru, and the 
United Mexican states, at Panama, on the 15th of July, 1826. 
All the Plenipotentiaries were present. 
The conference was called to order at 12 o'clock m. 
The protocol of the preceding session was read and approved. 
The treaty of league, the convention on contingents, the agreement as 
to the place and period for the meeting of the assembly and the manner 
and order thereof, and the provisional agreement made on the Army 
and Navy, in pursuance of the convention aforesaid were read and 
carefully revised, and signed and sealed. 

It was resolved that the provisional agreement just mentioned be kept 
secret, and transmitted to the Governments marked "confidential." 

Taking into consideration that in the long and protracted private con- 
ferences held by the Plenipotentiaries for the purpose of framing the 
treaties, no time was left for making a proper record of all that then 
transpired, and that in order to hasten the ratification of said treaties the 
respective Governments must be furnished complete information relat- 
ing thereto, it was further resolved that Senores Briceno, Molina, and 
Vidaurre be requested respectively to take personally the said treaties 
to their respective Governments, and furnish them verbally all the in- 
formation desired. 

It was further resolved that the President be requested to inform 
Mr. Dawkins that the assembly will meet hereafter at the City of 
Tacubaya, one league distant from the City of Mexico; that identical 
information be given to the Government of Colombia; that the Colom- 
bian Government be thanked for the hospitality and courtesy shown to 
the assembly; and that a communication of the same nature be ad- 
dressed by one of the secretaries to the authorities of this city. 

Then at 11 o'clock p. m., the Assembly adjourned to meet again in 
due time at Tacubaya, as resolved. Whereupon the plenipotentiaries 
stated to each other the satisfaction felt by them in having attended 
a conference in which such great fraternity, frankness, and most pure 
love for the public good had prevailed, and expressed their wishes that 
the same uniformity of feelings and the same cordiality for securing the 
common benefit should prevail also in the future meetings of the 
assembly. 

Pedro Goal. Manuel Perez de Tudela. 

P. Briceno Mendez. M. L. Vidaurre. 

Antonio Larrazabal. Pedro Molina. 

J. M. Michelena. Jose Dominguez. 



184 



Treaty of perpetual union, league, and confederation between the Re- 
publics of Colombia, Central America, Peru, and the United Mexi- 
can States. 

In the Name of Almighty God, Author and Law-giver of the 
Universe: 

The Republics of Colombia, Central America, Peru, and the United 
Mexican States, desiring the more firmly to bind their present intimate 
relations and to cement in the most solemn and stable manner those 
which should hereafter exist between them, which well becomes nations 
having a common origin, that have fought in unison to secure the ben- 
efits of liberty and independence, in the possession of which they now 
happily find themselves, and are firmly resolved to continue, confiding 
to this end upon the assistance of Divine Providence, which has so 
visibly protected the justice of their cause, have decided to duly ap- 
point and commission ministers plenipotentiary, who, after meeting 
and coming together in this assembly, should agree upon the means of 
making so salutary an undertaking perfect and enduring. 

To this end the said Governments have conferred full powers upon 
the following, to wit: 

His excellency the Vice-President, acting Chief Executive of the 
Republic of Colombia, upon the most excellent Senores Pedro Gual 
and Pedro Bricefio Mendez, brigadier-general of the armies of said Re- 
public. 

His excellency the President of the Republic of Central America, 
upon the most excellent Senores Antonio Larrazabal and Pedro Mo- 
lina. 

The excellent the council of Government of the Republic of Peru, 
upon the most excellent Senores Don Manuel Lorenzo de Vidaurre, 
president of the supreme court of justice of the said Republic, and Don 
Manuel Perez de Tudela, attorney-general of the said court. 

His excellency the President of the United Mexican States, upon 
the most excellent Senores Don Jose Mariano Michelena, brigadier-gen- 
eral and Don Jose Dominguez, chief justice of the supreme court of 
justice of the State of Guanajuato. 

Who, after having duly exchanged their respective full powers, and 
f ound them to be in good and sufficient form, have agreed upon the ar- 
icles following: 

Article 1. The Republics of Colombia, Central America, Peru, and 
the United Mexican States, do mutually ally and confederate them- 
selves in peace and war*, and contract to this end a perpetual compact 
of friendship, firm and inviolable, and a union intimate and binding 
with all and each of said parties. 

Article 2. The object of this perpetual compact will be to maintain 
in common, defensively and offensively, should occasion arise, the sov- 



185 

ereignty and independence of all and each of the confederated powers 
of America against foreign subjection, and to secure to themselves 
from this time forward the enjoyment of unalterable peace, and to pro- 
mote in this behalf better harmony and good understanding as well be- 
tween the countries, citizens, and subjects, respectively, as with the 
other powers with which they should maintain or enter into friendly 
relations. 

Article 3. The contracting parties obligate and bind themselves to 
mutually defend themselves against every attack which shall endanger 
their political existence, and to employ against the enemies of the in- 
dependence of all or any of them all their influence, resources, and 
naval and land forces, in the proportion which, according to the separate 
ci invention of equal date, each is bound to contribute to the maintenance 
of the common cause. 

ARTICLE 4. The contingents of troops, with all their trains a nd trans- 
ports, provisions, and the funds which some of the confederated powers 
are to contribute to the defense of another or others, shall freely pass 
and repass over the territory of any of them which may lie between 
the power threatened or invaded and that coming to its aid, but the 
Government to which the troops and assistance belong will give due 
notice thereof to the power through whose territory they have to pass, 
in order that the latter may designate the line of march to be followed, 
which, however, must be by the shortest, most convenient, and popu- 
lated route, and all the costs incurred for provisions, baggage, and 
forage shall be at the expense of the government to which the troops 
belong. 

Article 5. War-ships of all kinds and fleets of whatever number 
and grade of vessels belonging to one or more of the contracting parties 
shall have free ingress and egress to and from the ports of all and each 
of them, and they shall be properly protected against attacks of com- 
mon enemies, remaining in said ports the time their commanders or 
captains believe necessary; and the said commanders or captains u ilh 
their officers and crews shall be responsible to the Government of their 
dependence with their persons and property for any violation of the 
laws and regulations of the port they may be in. the local authorities 
being empowered to prevent their leaving their vessels, whenever any 
cause for complaint shall arise. 

Article 6. The contracting parties bind themselves moreover to give 
all the assistance in their power to tl.eir war and merchant vessels 
arriving at the ports of their possessions through stress of weather or 
any other unfortunate cause, and in consequence they may make repairs 
and take on provisions; and, in cases of common wars, arm themselves, 
increase their armament and crews until in condition to continue their 
voyages or cruises, all at the expense of the power or individuals to 
whom said vessels belong. 

ARTICLE 7. In order to prevent the depredations which privateers 
may commit on domestic or foreign commerce, it is agreed that in every 



186 

case of common war the jurisdiction of the prize courts of all and each 
of the allied powers shall extend to privateers sailing under the colors 
of either of them, according to the laws and statutes of the nation to 
which the privateer or privateers belong, whenever there are strong 
indications of excesses having been committed against the commerce of 
friendly or neutral nations; it being well understood that this stipula- 
tion shall continue only until such time as the contracting parties decide 
by mutual agreement on the total abolition of the privateer. 

Article 8. In case of a sudden invasion of the territories of the con- 
tracting parties, any one of them may take up arms against the invad- 
ers, whenever circumstances do not permit coming to an arrangement 
with the sovereignty of said territories; but the party thus acting must 
cause the laws and statutes of the invaded power to be complied with, 
and its Government obeyed, so far as the circumstances of war shall 
permit. 

Article 9. It is hereby agreed that fugitives from one territory to 
another, and from a war or merchant vessel to the territory or vessel 
of another, if they be soldier or sailor deserters of whatever kind, 
shall be delivered over immediately and at all times by the courts 
or authorities within whose jurisdiction the deserter or deserters may 
be; but the delivery must be preceded by a demand by an officer in case 
of deserters from the army or navy, and that of the captain, master, 
supercargo, or person interested in the vessels in case of merchantmen, 
o-iving a description of the party or parties, the name, and that of the 
body or vessel from which he or they shall have deserted, and pending 
delivery they may be lodged in public prisons until the delivery in due 
form is verified. 

Article 10. The contracting parties, the better to identify their in- 
terests, here expressly agree that no one of them shall make peace 
with common enemies of their independence without including therein 
specifically all the other allies; in the intelligence that in no case, and 
under no pretext whatever, shall any of the contracting parties ac- 
cede in the name of the others to any propositions not having for 
basis the full and absolute recognition of their independence, nor to 
demand for contributions, subsidies, or exactions of whatever kind, 
by way of indemnity or otherwise, each of said parties reserving the 
right to accept or reject proposals for peace with its customary for- 
malities. 

Article 11. The contracting parties desiring more and more to 
strengthen and make closer their fraternal bonds and relations by 
means of frequent and friendly conferences, have agreed and do agree 
to meet every two years in time of peace, and every year during the 
present and future common wars, in a general assembly composed of 
two ministers plenipotentiary on the part of each party, who shall be 
only authorized by the necessary full powers. The time and place of 
meeting, and the form and order of the sessions are expressed and 
arranged in a separate agreement of equal date. 



187 

Article 12. The contracting parties specially obligate and bind 
themselves, in case the general assembly shall meet at any place 
within their territories, to extend to the plenipotentiaries composing 
it, all the assistance that hospitality and the sacred and inviolable 
character of their persons demand. 

Article 13. The principal objects of the general assembly of min- 
isters plenipotentiary 'if the confederated powers are: 

First. To negotiate and conclude between the powers it repre- 
sents all such treaties, conventions, and arrangements, as may place 
their reciprocal relations on a mutually agreeable and satisfactory foot- 
ing. 

Second. To contribute to the maintenance of a friendly and unalter- 
able peace between the confederated powers, serving them as a council 
in times of great conflicts, as a point of contact in common dangers, 
as a faithful interpreter of the public treaties and conventions con- 
cluded by them in the said assembly, when any doubt arises as to 
their construction, and as a conciliator in their controversies and 
differences. 

Third. To endeavor to secure conciliation, or mediation, in all ques- 
tions which may arise between the allied powers, or between any of 
them and one or more powers foreign to the confederation, whenever 
threatened of a rupture, or engaged in war because of grievances, seri- 
ous injuries, or other complaints. 

Fourth. To adjust and conclude during the common wars of the con- 
tracting parties with one or many powers foreign to the confederation 
all those treaties of alliance, concert, subsidies, and contributions that 
shall hasten its termination. 

Article 14. Neither of the contracting parties shall conclude treaties 
of alliance or league, perpetual or temporary, with any power foreign 
to this confederation without previously consulting the other allies 
composing it or that hereafter may compose it, and obtaining in this 
behalf their express assent or denial in the case mentioned in the fol- 
lowing article. 

Article 15. Whenever any of the contracting parties shall deem it 
advisable to form alliances, perpetual or temporary, for special purpi ises 
and for special causes, the Republic having to make these alliances 
shall first endeavor to negotiate with her sisters and allies; but in case 
these for any cause refuse their assistance or can not provide the nec- 
essary aid, the former shall be at liberty to seek it wherever it can be 
obtained. 

Article 16. The contracting parties solemnly obligate and bind them- 
selves to amicably compromise between themselves all differences now 
existing or which may arise in the future, and in case no settlement 
can be reached between the disagreeing powers the question shall be 
taken for settlement to the judgment of the assembly, whose decision 
shall not be obligatory, however, unless said powers shall have ex- 
pressly agreed that it shall be. 



188 

Article 17. Whatever complaints for injuries, serious damage, or 
other grounds there be that one of the contracting parties can bring 
against another or others, neither of them shall declare war, nor order 
acts of reprisal against the Republic believed to be the offender with- 
out first submitting its case, supported by the necessary documents and 
proofs, with a detailed relation of the acts complained of to the con- 
ciliatory decision of the general assembly. 

Article 18. In case any one of the confederated powers deem it ad- 
visable to declare war or commence hostilities against any power for- 
eign to this confederation, it shall first solicit the good offices, interpo- 
sition, and mediation of its allies, and these are bound to employ them 
in the most efficacious manner possible. If the interposition be una- 
vailing the confederation shall declare whether or not it embraces 
the cause of the confederate; and even though it shall not embrace it, 
it shall not, under any pretext or reason ally itself with the enemy of 
the confederate. 

Article 19. Whichever of the contracting parties that in violation 
of the stipulations of the three sections preceding shall commence 
hostilities against another, or that shall fail to comply with the decis- 
ions of the assembly, having previously submitted to them, shall be 
excluded from the confederation, and shall not again belong to the 
league except by the unanimous vote of the parties composing it 
favoring such re-instatement. 

Article 20. In case any of the contracting powers asks the assem- 
bly for its opinion or advice upon any question or serious matter, the 
assembly shall give it with all the frankness, interest, and good faith 
demanded by fraternity. 

Article 21. The contracting parties solemnly obligate and bind 
themselves to uphold and defend the integrity of their respective ter- 
ritories, earnestly opposing any attempt of colonial settlement in them 
without authority of and dependence upon the Governments under 
whose jurisdiction they are, and to employ to this end, in common, 
their forces and resources if necessary. 

Article 22. The contracting parties mutually guaranty the integ- 
rity of their territories as soon as, by virtue of special conventions 
concluded between each other, their respective boundaries shall have 
been determined; and the preservation of these frontiers shall then 
be under the protection of the confederation. 

Article 23. The citizens of all of the contracting parties shall enjoy 
the rights and privileges of citizens of the Republic, whatever it is. in 
which they reside, if after having declared their desire to assume this 
character before the competent authorities according to the law of each 
of the allied powers, they shall make oath of allegiance to the consti- 
tution of the nation they adopt, and as such citizens they shall be en- 
titled to all the employments and distinctions to which the other 
citizens are entitled, excepting always those which the constitution 
reserves to natural-born citizens, and subject in his choice of the rest 



189 

to the time of residence and requisites demanded by the laws of each 
particular power. 

Article 24. Should a citizen or citizens of one allied Republic pre- 
fer to remain in the territory of another, retaining always his character 

c >f a citizen of the country < >f his birth or adoption, said citizen or citizens 
shall enjoy equally all the rights and privileges of natural-born citizens 
in any territory of the contracting parties in which he shall reside in 
so far as the administration of justice and the corresponding protection 
to his person and property is concerned: and, consequently, under no 
pretext whatever shall the practice of his profession or occupation be 
denied him, nor the disposition during life or by last will and testa- 
ment of his real and personal property, as he sees fit, subject in all 
cases to the same charges and laws as natural-born citizens of the ter- 
ritory where he resides. 

Article 25. In order that the contracting parties shall receive all 
possible compensation for the services mutually rendered in this alli- 
ance, they have agreed that their commercial relations be regulated in 
the next assembly; in the mean while the relations at present existing 
between some of them by virtue of previous stipulations will continue. 
Article 26. The powers of America, whose plenipotentiaries shall 
not have been present at the negotiation and signing of the present 
treaty, may, notwithstanding the provisions of Article 14, become a 
party to the present confederation within one year from the ratification 
of this treaty and of the convention on contingents concluded on this 
date, without demanding modifications or changes of any character, 
and in case of desiring or proposing any alteration it shall be submitted 
to the vote and decision of the Assembly, which shall not consent to 
the change unless the amendments proposed do not alter the substance 
of the basis and object of this treaty. 

Article 27. The contracting parties obligate and bind themselvesto 
co-operate for the complete abolition and extirpation of the African 
slave trade, maintaining their present prohibitions of such a trade in all 
their force and vigor : and to accomplish so salutary an undertaking 
they agree further to declare, as they declare among themselves, in 
the most solemn and positive manner, the slave traders sailing from 
the coasts of Africa under the flag of any of the said contracting par- 
ties guilty of the crime of piracy, under the conditions which will be 
specified hereafter by special convention. 

Article 28. The Republics of Colombia. Central America. Peru, 
and the United Mexican States, upon so firmly and powerfully iden- 
tifying their principles and interests in peace and war, formally declare 
that the present treaty of perpetual union, alliance, and co-operation 
does not in any wise interrupt nor shall it interrupt the exercise of the 
sovereignty of each of them as regards theirforeign relations in so far 
as they do not conflict with the tenor and letter of said treaty. 

Article 29. In case any of the parties should substantially change 
its present form of government it shall, by that act, be excluded from 



190 

the confederation and its Government shall not be recognized, nor 
shall it be re-instated in said confederation except by the unanimous 
vote of all the parties then constituting it. 

Article 30. The present treaty shall be binding in all its parts and 
effects as long as the allied powers are engaged in the present or any 
other common war, without any change whatever in any of its 
articles and clauses, except by resolution of all of said parties in the 
General Assembly, being subject to be bound by whatever measure the 
majority consider necessary for its enforcement ; but peace once 
assured the allied powers may revise this treaty in the said Assembly, 
and make therein the changes and modifications the circumstances 
may demand and they deem necessary. 

Article 81. The present treaty of perpetual union, alliance, and 
confederation shall be ratified and the ratifications shall be exchanged 
in the town of Tacubaya, a league distant from the City of Mexico, 
within a period of eight months, reckoned from tins date, or before, if 
possible. 

In testimony whereof the Ministers Plenipotentiary of the Republics 
of Colombia, Central America, Peru, and the United Mexican States 
have signed and sealed these presents with their respective seals, in this 
city of Panama, on the 15th day of the month of July in the year of 
our Lord 1826. 

[l.s.] Pedro Gual. 

[l. s. ] Pedro Briceno Mendez. 

[l.s.] Pedro Molina. 

[l.s.] Antonio Larrazabal. 

[l.s.] Manuel de Vidaurre. 

[l. s. ] Manuel Perez de Tudela. 

[l. s. ] Jose Mariano de Michelena. 

[l.s.] Jos£ Dominguez. 

Additional article. Whereas the contracting parties ardently de- 
sire to live at peace with all the nations of the universe, and avoid any 
cause for displeasure which might grow out of the exercise of their 
legitimate rights in peace and war, have further agreed, that as soon 
as the ratification of this treaty is obtained, they shall proceed to fix 
by common agreement all those points, rules, and principles that are to 
govern their conduct in both cases, to which end they shall again invite 
all friendly and neutral powers to take an active part in such negotia- 
tion, should they deem it advisable, and meet through, their plenipo- 
tentaries to adjust, conclude, and sign the treaty or treaties that may 
be made regarding so important an object. 

The present additional article shall have the same force as though it 
had been inserted, word for word, in the treaty to-day signed. It shall 
be ratified and the ratifications shall be exchanged within the same 
period. 

In testimony whereof the respective Ministers Plenipotentiary have 



191 

signed it and affixed their respective seals, in this city of Panama, on 

the 15th day of the month of July in the year of our Lord 182(3. 

[d.s.] Pedro Gual. 

[l.s.] Pedro Briceno Mendez. 

[l.s.] Antonio Larrazabal. 

[l.s.] Pedro Molina. 

[l.s.] Manuel de Vidaurre. 

[l.s.] Mangel Perez de Tudela. 

[l.s.] Jose Mariano Michelena. 

[l.s.] Jose Dominiguez. 



Agreement referred to in. Article 11 of the treaty of perpetual confed- 
eration, signed on this date by the Ministers Plenipotentiary of the 
Rejmblics of Colombia. Central America, Peru, and the United 
States of Mexico. 

The undersigned. Ministers Plenipotentiary of the Republics of 
America, met together in the General Assembly of Panama pursuant 
to the stipulations of Article 11 of the treaty of league signed on 
this date, have adjusted and concluded the agreement following: 

First. This Assembly shall move to the town of Tacubaya, one league 
distant from the City of Mexico, where it shall continue to hold its 
sessions, and it shall periodically meet there, or at any other point of 
the Mexican territory, so long as reason and circumstances shall not 
demand its removal to another locality having the same advantages of 
healthfulness, security, and good location for communication with the 
nations of Europe and America. 

Second. The Governments shall maintain their legations complete 
in the locality of the meeting of the assembly for the period <>f three 
months, extendible two more; but during a common war they shall 
keep those legations all the time in the territory of the Republic where 
the assembly is gathered. 

Third. The assembly shall receive as signatory ministers only such 
persons as have the character of at least ministers plenipotentiary, and 
as such they shall be received and considered in accordance with estab- 
lished practices, addressing them with the same titles as their respective 
Governments do in their official communications. 

Fourth. The ministers having met and the powers of the newly 
arrived having been exchanged, there shall lie observed, as regards pref- 
erence and the presidency, the same method as was chosen by the 
present assembly, renewing upon the opening of the conferences the 
operation of drawing lots which is recorded in the protocols. 

Fifth. The ministers of the Republic where the sessions are held 
shall give notice to their Government, through its respective minister, 
of the successive arrival of the plenipotentiaries, including a list of 



192 

their suites, so that thus apprised they as well as their families may be 
accorded and ordered to be accorded the rights, prerogatives, and im- 
munities which are customary and due to their representative and ex- 
alted character. 

Sixth. In order to avoid every cause of delay in the negotiation of 
the treaties, no ceremony at all shall be observed during such proceed- 
ings, and the plenipotentiaries shall meet whenever and wherever they 
may think best, without regard to rank. 

Seventh. The Government of the Republic where the assembly meets 
will provide, however, convenient and decent quarters where the con- 
ferences may be held, should the ministers so decide, and shall accord 
to said ministers all the assistance they need to procure lodgment. 

Eighth. At the place of meeting of the assembly during its sessions, 
no troops shall be quartered (unless at the request of the same assem- 
bly), nor shall any authority, however high it be, except the civil and 
municipal of the territory, enter therein. 

Ninth. The correspondence of the ministers only, and not that of 
their suites, shall be postage free in the post-offices of the Republic 
where the assembly meets. 

Tenth. So soon as the other powers of America shall have joined in 
the general assembly by means of their plenipotentiaries, this agree- 
ment may be reconsidered, so as to make therein the changes deemed 
advisable. 

In testimony whereof the undersigned have signed and sealed the 
present agreement in the City of Panama, on the fifteenth day of the 
month of July, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and 
twenty -six. 

[l. s.] Pedro Gual. 

[l. s.] Pedro Briceno Mendez. 

[l. s.] Antonio Larrazabal. 

[l. s.] Pedro Molina. 

[l. s.] Manuel de Vidaurre. 

[l. s.] Manuel Perez de Tudela, 

[l. s.] Jose Mariano de Michelena. 

[l. s.] Jose Dominguez. 



Convention on Contingents between the Republics of Colombia, Central 
America, Peru, and the United Mexican States. 

In the name of God, Author and Law-giver of the Universe: 
The Republics of Colombia, Central America, Peru, and the United 
Mexican States, desiring, pursuant to article 3 of the treaty of per- 
petual union, league, and confederation, signed this day, to co-operate 
as effectively as they ought against their common enemy, the King of 
Spain, until the course of events shall incline his mind to justice and 



193 

peace, of whose benefits they arc now deprived because of the stub- 
bornness with which said Prince endeavors to aggravate the evils of 
war ; and the said confederated powers being resolved to make all 
manner of sacrifices to put an end to so lamentable a state of things. 
employing in this behalf resources adapted to the present circumstances 
or those which may arise, have determined to adjust their respective 
contingents through their ministers plenipotentiary, met together in 
this assembly, appointed and named as follows: 

His excellency the Vice-President, acting Executive of the Republic 
of Colombia, the most excellent Senores Pedro Gual and Pedro Bri- 
ceno Mendez, brigadier-general of the armies of said Republic. 

His excellency the President of the Republic of Central America, the 
most excellent Senores Antonio Larrazabal and Pedro Molina. 

The excellent the council of Government of Peru, the most excellent 
Senores Don Manuel Lorenzo de Vidaurre, president of the supreme 
court of justice of the said Republic, and Don Manuel Perez de Tudela, 
attorney -general of the said court. 

His excellency the President of the United Mexican States the most 
excellent Senores Don Jose Mariano Michelena, brigadier-general, and 
Don Jose Domingnez, chief -justice of the supreme court of justice of 
the State of Guanajuato. 

Who, having mutually produced their full powers, and having found 
them in sufficient and due form, have agreed upon the articles follow- 
ing: 

Article 1. The contracting parties obligate and bind themselves to 
raise and maintain on an effective and complete war footing an army 
of 60,000 men, infantry and cavalry, in this proportion: The Republic 
of Colombia, 15,250: that of Central America. 6,750; that of Peru, 
5,250; and the United Mexican States 32,750. One-tenth of thesequotas 
shall be cavalry. 

Article 2. The said 60,000 men shall be organized into brigades and 
divisions, armed, equipped, and ready in every way to take the field and 
act defensively and offensively, in accordance with the separate agree- 
ment arrived at by the contracting parties, in order that the troops 
shall have all the mobility possible, said separate agreement shall be as 
binding as if it had been inserted word for word in the present conven- 
tion. 

Article 3. The object of the contracting parties in confederating 
themselves being to diminish the sacrifices which each would have to 
make by itself in behalf of the common cause, and to afford each other 
all protection and aid, it is hereby agree I, that, in case one of the 
parties is invaded, the others shall come to its assistance, not only with 
the troops spoken of above, but also with a subsidy of $200,000 each, 
which shall be promptly placed at the disposition of the Government 
of the nation invaded, in the treasury of the ally having to provide 
it, either in coin or in bills of exchange, besides the other pecuniary 
assistance the contracting parties are ready to give each other recip- 
563a— VOL 3 13 



194 

rocally, and which shall he agreed upon later, should it be necessary 
in view of the circumstances. 

Article 4. The contingents of troops shall be placed, should it be 
necessary to come to the defense of one of the contracting parties, 
under the direction and command of the Government they are going to 
assist; it being well understood that the allied forces are to preserve 
under their commanders the organization, order, and discipline of the 
country to which they belong. 

Article 5. Any of the contracting parties going to the assistance of 
another shall be bound during the campaign to feed, pay, clothe, re- 
place the reductions in their respective contingents, and pay the expense 
of transportation; but the assisted party shall treat them, with regard 
to quarters or lodgings and hospitals, as their own troops, and shall 
provide them with the munitions of war they may consume, and with 
the arms they need to replace those rendered useless during the opera- 
tions. 

Article 6. The provisions for the support of the allied troops shall be 
furnished by the respective Governments. If these can not furnish 
them, or consider it more convenient to obtain them from the country 
they are defending, the said Government is bound to furnish them at 
the same price and of the same quality as those of its own troops, 
making to this end the necessary arrangements and agreements for 
each campaign. 

Article 7. All the expenses incurred in the operations undertaken 
pursuant to the preceding articles, in defense of some of the contract- 
ing parties, and subsidies of any kind that may be given them, shall 
be made good after adjustment by the power receiving the assistance, 
two years after the end of the present war, and the conclusion of a final 
treaty of peace with Spain. 

Article 8. For the purpose of filling the vacancies in the contingents 
to be furnished by eac!i of the parties, it has been agreed that volunteers 
may be recruited in the country where operations are being carried on; 
but such recruits, being natural-born citizens of said nation, shall be 
entirely free, at the time of the withdrawal of the allied troops, to 
follow or not the flags under which they have enlisted: in every case, 
however, the balance in favor of or against the command shall be paid. 

Article 9. In case the contracting parties deem it advisable to take 
the offensive against the common enemy, beyond the territory of the 
allies, with the contingents of troops agreed upon in article 1, they shall 
agree among themselves as to the means to be employed, the object of 
the movement, the commander who shall direct the operations, and 
the temporary or permanent organization to be given to the country 
that shall be occupied, to the end that there shall be unison of action 
and success be assured. 

Article 10. The contracting parties, moreover, obligate and bind 
themselves to organize and to maintain a competent naval force, whose 
extent, class, distribution, and destination have been agreed upon sepa- 



195 

rately ; and for the carrying into effect of which they hereby appropriate 
the sum of $7,720,000, apportioned as follows: The Republic of Colom- 
bia, $2,205,714; that of Central America, $955,811; and the United 
Mexican States, $4,558,475. 

Article 11. The contracting parties further obligate and bind them- 
selves tn keep their respective vessels on a war footing, completely 
armed, manned, and provisioned correspondingly, which provisions 
should be replenished every six months, without the vessels being ever 
taken from the service they shall be engaged in. 

Article 12. The vessels of the allied navy shall carry the flag of the 
nation to which they belong, and their officers and crews shall be 
judged and governed by the respective laws and ordinances until such 
a time a,s the allies adopt by agreement an ordinance or general regula- 
tions to render the service uniform. 

Article 1:1 A board composed of three members appointed, one by 
the Government of the Republic of Colombia, another by the Republic 
of Central America, another by that of the United Mexican States 
shall have the direction and command of the naval force which shall be 
stationed on the Atlantic Ocean, and shall have the authority of a high 
military officer, or greater, should the said Governments deem it advis- 
able for the purpose of realizing the great objects agreed upon. 

Article 14. The members of the board of Directors of the naval 
forces of the confederation shall be appointed by the respective Govern- 
ments within twenty days after the ratification of the present conven- 
tion, and shall meet at the earliest opportunity for the first time in 
Carthagena, where they shall establish their headquarters, or change 
it to any other locality under the jurisdiction of one of the powers ap- 
pointing them, as they may deem it advisable for the greater success 
of the operations they may undertake, and the facility for communi- 
cations with the Governments of their dependence. 

Article 15. To the end that the said board of Directors shall have 
all the independence and liberty necessary to the fullest discharge of 
theirduties.it has been agreed, and is hereby expressly agreed, that 
each of its members shall enjoy all the privileges and immunities of a 
diplomatic agent, wherever he may be located. 

Article 1(5. The prizes captured by the naval force of the confed- 
eration shall be distributed intact among the officers, marines, and crew 
making the capture: the classification of prizes, the court where they 
are to be adjudicated, and the manner in which the distribution is to be 
made shall be regulated by a special agreement. 

Article 17. The repairs needed by the federated navy by reason of 
injuries received at sea or in war shall be made without distinction on 
the account ( if the said confederation, with the fund that for the purpose 
shall be apportioned among the contracting parties in proportion to their 
respective contingents, and shall be placed at the disposal of the board 
of Directors. And in order that it may have at once a fund available 
for the first repairs that may be necessary, there shall be delivered to it 



196 

upon its organization the sum of $300,000, being made up as follows: 
The Republic of Colombia, $85,000; the Republic of Central America, 
$37,146; and the United States of Mexico, $177,140. 

Article 18. In case any of the contracting powers should have in its 
service other armed vessels, or should arm any hereafter, not belonging 
to the confederated navy, and one or more of them should assist with 
one or more of the said navy in the capture of enemies, they shall share 
in all the benefits as though they belonged to it. 

Article 19. If upon concluding peace with Spain, as contemplated 
by this convention, the contracting parties should agree to disband the 
allied navy, the same vessels which each one contributed to its organiza- 
tion, according to the agreement referred to in article 10, or those which 
shall have replaced them according to the provisions of article 17, shall 
be returned to their original owner. 

Article 20. For the purpose of protecting the coasts of the contract- 
ing parties on the Pacific Ocean, it has been agreed that the Peravian 
Republic shall maintain constantly thereon, on the same war-footing 
above set forth, a fleet composed and made up of two squadrons in the 
manner provided for separately, and said fleet shall be directed and 
maintained by its Government, with entire independence of the board 
of direction. 

Article 21. By virtue of the provisions of the preceding article it is 
further agreed that the Republic of Peru shall not be included either in 
the burdens or the advantages stipulated for the powers assisting in the 
organization of the naval forces on the Atlantic Ocean, under articles 
10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, and 19 of this convention; it being well 
understood that if fortunate events permit the powers which fitted 
up the Atlantic squadron to be re-imbursed of their expenses, then 
the Republic of Peru shall also be re-imbursed, subsequently to them, 
of the expenses she may have incurred on the Pacific Ocean; and in 
the same way, if the Republic of Peru succeeds in reimbursing herself 
of the expenses incurred on the Pacific coast, the balance shall be set 
aside for distribution among the allied powers on the Atlantic. 

Article 22. The American powers adhering to the treaty of per- 
petual union, league, and confederation, of this date, in the terms 
prescribed in article 25 of the same, shall also furnish their contingents 
on land and sea, in the same proportion as the other allied powers, and 
they shall be added to those already designated. 

Article 23. The duties and obligations to which the contracting par- 
ties have bound themselves by the present convention on contingents 
relating to the present war in which they are engaged against the King 
of Spain, shall be understood as applicable to any other war they shall 
agree to sustain in common, if upon declaring it the parties agree upon 
them. 

Article 24. The present convention shall be ratified, and the ratifi- 
cations shall be exchanged in the town of Tacubaya within a period of 
eight months, or before, if possible, 



197 

In testimony whereof the Ministers Plenipotentiary of the Republics 
of Colombia, Central America, Peru, and the United Stales of Mexico 
have signed and sealed these presents with their respective seals in this 
city of Panama, on the fifteenth day of the month of July, in the year 
of our Lord 1826. 

[l. s.] Pedro Briceno Mendez. 

[l. s.] Pedro Gual. 

[l. s. ] Antonio Larrazabal. 

| l. s. 1 Pedro Molina. 

[l. s.] Manuel de Yidaurre. 

[l. s.] Manuel Perez de Tudela. 

[l. s.j Jose Mariano de Michelena. 

| i„s. ] Jose Duminguez. 



Agreement referred to in article 2 of the convention on contingents 
</f this date, concluded between the Republics of Colombia, Central 
Aim ricu. Peru, and the United Mexican States. 

[Confidential.] 

The undersigned. Ministers Plenipotentiary of the Republics of 
America, met in the General Assembly of Panama, pursuant to the 
provisions of the convention on contingents signed on this day. have 
adjusted and concluded the agreement following: 

Part First — Relating to the Arm//. 

Article 1. The contingent assigned to each of the contracting 
powers shall he divided into three equal corps, of which the first shall 
beat all times on the coast ready to embark and go to the aid of the one 
which shall he invaded; the second shall be stationed at a distance from 
the coast not to exceed forty leagues, ready to replace the first when- 
ever it shall move: and the third shall l>e held in reserve to replace tin- 
second in turn. 

Article 2. As the object of the three corps spoken of is not only to 
go to the assistance of the ally invaded, hut also to defend the territory 
of the power that must furnish them, each Government may locate 
the second and third corps where it deems most advisable, so long as 
in its judgment they shall be in a position to replace each other suc- 
cessively, or to combine with the first in case of urgent need. 

ARTICLE 3. The contingents shall not he due except in case the in- 
vasion is serious: that is to say. exceeding five thousand men actually 
landed, attempting or taking possession of some strong point or forti- 
fication on the coast, or should have penetrated the country to the dis- 
tance of thirty leagues. 

Article 4. In case the invasion exceeds five thousand up to ten 



198 

thousand men, each ally shall contribute to the assistance of the in- 
vaded the sixth part of its contingent, or the half of the first corps. 
Should the invasion be greater than from ten to fifteen thousand men, 
the full first corps shall be contributed. And should it exceed this 
latter number up to twenty-five thousand or more, the contingent shall 
consist of the first two corps. The full complement of each contin- 
gent shall only be furnished when the successes attained by the enemy 
render probable the subjugation of the power invaded. 

Article 5. In case two or more allies shall be invaded simultane- 
ously, the assisting forces of the rest shall move to the defens. of that 
where the enemy has carried the greatest forces, unless otherwise re- 
solved in the Assembly. 

Article 6. In case one of the allied powers should have inimical 
forces in sight threatening disembarkation, and whose number should 
portend a serious invasion, at the same time that it receives the notice 
requiring the contingent in favor of others of the allies, the former 
may withhold the dispatching of its troops, and shall not be boimd to 
give its equivalent in coin; but it shall reply, stating the fact, and in 
the event of the removal of the threatened danger the obligation shall 
be renewed. 

Article 7. The cavalry corresponding to each contingent shall move 
with saddles, bridles, and other equipments, the necessary horses being 
at the expense of the party assisted while in its service. 

Article 8. The artillery force of each contingent is left to the pru- 
dence of the several Governments, and shall not be furnished except 
in case the invaded ally shall expressly request it. In such case the 
invaded ally shall provide the horses necessary for the train and trans- 
portation while in its service. 

Article 9. The power invaded shall request the assistance each ally 
should give according to the proportion above established, and the ally 
called upon shall either put its contingent in march within sixty days, 
reckoned from that of receipt of notice, or offer, in reply, the equiva- 
lent spoken of in the next article. 

Article 10. Whenever any of the contracting parties shall fail to 
respond promptly with the contingent correspondi g to it within the 
time prescribed by the preceding article, it shall pay monthly to the 
power invaded the sum of thirty dollars for each man due, which pay- 
ment shall be made at the end of every month. 

Article 11. In case the ally called upon can not respond with troops. 
but with the equivalent sum, according to the preceding article, it shall 
so state immediately, in order that the ally invaded can draw upon it 
for the amounts accrued monthly; it being well understood that the 
obligation to pay the equivalent in coin shall begin seventy days from 
the receipt of the notice of requisition. 

Article 12. Whenever a Government shall have to make a payment 
of any sum to another of the allies for the assistance which should be 
giveu according to this agreement and article 3 of the convention as 



199 

to contingents, it shall be done in cash or in bills of exchange on the 
banks of the United States of the North or of London. 

ARTICLE 13. As it is impossible to comprehend in an agreement all 
the details of a plan of operations winch depend upon that which cadi 
power shall adopt for its own defense, taking into account its points 
and resources, the allies shall agree among themselves separately upon 
all these details. 

Article 14. As it can well happen that one of the allies being called 
upon by another to furnish its contingent in troops can not, for want 
of transports, place them in the invaded territory, notwithstanding 
their state of readiness therefor, it is agreed that the difficulties being 
insurmountable or extremely burdensome to the allied State, after it 
has made every effort and has heard the means suggested to it by the 
diplomatic agent of the State asking assistance, the party called upon 
shall not be obligated to pay the equivalent in money; and should any 
difference arise between the power requesting the assistance and that 
which should give it. the same course shall be followed as has been 
agreed upon touching the settlement of all differences. 

Part Second— Relating to the Confederated Navy. 

Article 15. The object of this part of the agreement being to gain 
naval superiority over the present common enemy, it has been agreed 
that the confederated navy shall consist of three battle-ships of from 
70 to 80 guns ; six frigates of from 44 to 64 ; 8 corvettes of 24 to 34 : 
6 brigantines of from 20 to 24, and one sloop-of-war of from 10 to 12 
guns, the cost of these vessels being estimated, striking an average of 
the gun capacity, at $700,000 for a war-ship ; #420,000 for a frigate ; 
#2(10.000. a corvette, and #90,000 a brigantine. 

Article 1(5. Therefore each of the Powers constituting the Atlantic 
Navy shall furnish the contingents assigned them in the treaty, with 
the following vessels : Colombia, one battle-ship of from 74 to 80 guns ; 
two frigates of 04, and two of 44; Central America, one frigate of 
from 44 to 64, one corvette of from 24 to 34, and two brigantines of 
from 20 to 24 : the United States of Mexico, two battle-ships, of from 
70 to 80 ; two frigates of 64, and two others of 44 ; six corvettes of from 
21 to 34, and three brigantines of from '.'(I to 24 guns. 

Article 17. As the total of the cost of the vessels assigned to each 
power results in those of Colombia exceeding by $164,286 the money 
quota due by it, it has been agreed that this excess lie paid with the 
$155,811 lacking in that of Central America, and the #M,(75 wanting 
in Mexico to fill theirs ; and as these two amounts added still show a 
deficit of #10,000 it has been agreed that Colombia deduct this amount 
from the first sum it shall have to pay to the repair-fund, according to 
Article 17 of the Treaty. 

Article 18. The objects to which the operations of the Confederated 
Navy shall be directed are : First, defend and protect the coasts and 



200 

seas of the said Republics against all foreign invasion ; and, second, to 
seek and follow. the Spanish navy to annihilation and destruction, 
wherever it may be found. 

Article 19. It shall be one of the principal cares of the Board of 
Direction that the vessels shall be always in the best condition for serv- 
ice, to which end it shall inform the several Governments monthly of 
the status of the repair-fund, in order that funds which have been used 
shall be replaced, or those needed in excess be transmitted. These re- 
imbursements and exchanges of funds shall be made always in the 
same proportion as the first $300,000. of which Article 17 of the Con- 
vention as to contingents speaks, were appropriated. 

Article 20. The Board shall organize the auditing department for 
the administration of the repair-fund, appointing the employes it shall 
seem absolutely necessary in the premises, and fixing the respective 
salaries, which shall be paid out of the said fund ; all under instruc- 
tions issued by the respective Governments, to which it shall give 
timely account of its actions. 

Article 31. The fleet the Peruvian Republic shall maintain in the 
Pacific Ocean, pursuant to Article 20 of the Convention, shall consist 
of the vessels which in the allotment in Article 16 of this agreement, 
are lacking to complete the total force designated in the loth, that is to 
say: one frigate, one corvette, one brigantine and one sloop-of-war; 
and the two cruising stations they shall constantly maintain are, one 
from the southernmost boundary of said' Republic to the port of Pan- 
ama, and another from this port to the northernmost limit of the United 
States of Mexico on the Pacific. 

Article 22. The present agreement may be revised and amended in 
whole or in part, whenever the allies deem it convenient. 

In testimony whereof the undersigned have signed and sealed the 
present agreement in the City of Panama, on the fifteenth day of the 
month of July, in the year of our Lord 1836. 

[l. s.] Pedro Briceno Mendez. 

[l. s.] Pedro Gual. 

[l. s.] Antonio Larrazabal. 

[l. s.] Pedro Molina. 

[l. s.] M. L. de Vidaurre. 

[l. s.] Manuel Perez de Tudela. 

[l. s.] Jose Mariano de Nuchelena. 

[l. s.] Jose Dominguez. 

The treaties above inserted did not meet by far the ex- 
pectations of Bolivar, nor did they correspond to the 
instructions which he had caused to be given to the Peru- 
vian Plenipotentiaries. Nevertheless, he submitted them 
for approval to the Peruvian Congress, and did not make 
any public display of his intense disappointment. 



201 

The Peruvian Congress did not grant the ratification. 
The Congresses of Mexico and Guatemala also refused it. 
Only Colombia approved of them, and this only partially. 
The movement therefore failed, and the relations between 
the American States remained in the condition in which 
they were before. 

Don Rafael Fernando Seijas, in his important work on 
the "International Spanish -American Law, Public and 
Private/' refers to this Congress in the following terms: 

" The subject has not only a historical interest. The necessity of 
union between these States is the aspiration of patriotism as strong now 
as when presented to the perspicacious mind of Bolivar. He saw l>e- 
forehand all its importance, and the students of history feel compelled 
to acknowledge the great foresight of that statesman. He desired to 
avoid the evils which might arise out of the intercourse of these new 
States with the great Powers ; he wanted to extinguish the germs of 
civil discord, to kill the spirit of revolt, to establish peaceful methods 
for the settlement of all disputes, and make them as far as possible'pow- 
erful, capable of all progress and aggrandizement, and equal, not for- 
mally and on the paper, but actually and practically, to the great nations 
of the world. 

" The plan failed ; only four Republic's were represented at Panama 
by their Plenipotentiaries, after not a few delays and embarrassments : 
others were absent either because of objection to the idea or owing to 
their being involved in internal discussions. The treaties and con- 
ventions there signed received the approval neither of the originator of 
the idea nor of the Legislatures of the parties represented at the 
capital of the Isthmus, with the exception of Colombia, and this fail- 
ure of ratification and exchange rendered them a dead letter. Not- 
withstanding the Ministers' agreement to continue the sessions at 
Tacubaya, owing to the unhealthfulness of Panama, and to meet 
thereafter every two years, they held no further conferences. The 
political disturbances of the years succeeding that of 1826 prevented 
the Liberator from again engaging himself in the undertaking, and 
from that time it was lost to sight. Shortly thereafter the great 
Colombia, the ally and intimate friend of Peru, to whom the latter 
owed her freedom, found herself involved with this sister in the war 
which terminated with the battle of Tarqui. The destruction of the 
great Republic succeeded. The peace between Venezuela and the 
other two sections was exposed to grave dangers, and the latter in 
reality did break out in hostilities. While these events were taking 
place the chosen son of Caracas passed away, his last words to the 
Colombians showing the deep conviction he retained to the end of his 
days of the excellence of a close union of the American nation."* 

* Seijas— El Derecho internacional hispano americano. Vol. I, page T. 



202 

II. 

THE CONGRESS OF LIMA OF 1847. 

The failure of the Congress of Panama did not prevent 
the nations of America from again making an effort in 
favor of unification of their interests, and in promotion 
of their common safety and welfare. 

Five years after the return of the Panama plenipoten- 
tiaries to their respective homes the Government of Mexico 
extended an invitation to the American Republics to meet 
in a new Congress, either at Tacubaya, Panama, or Lima. 
But this invitation, made under date of March 13, 1831, 
was not accepted, or if accepted, never carried into effect. 

Five years later, on December 18, 1838, Mexico repeated 
her efforts in that direction, and urged Venezuela to join 
her in persuading the other nations of the New World to 
hold the Conference to which they had been invited in 
1831, and carry its programme into execution. That pro- 
gramme was— 

The union and close alliance of the new States for the purposes of 
defense again foreign invasion, the acceptance of friendly mediation 
of the neutral States for the settlement of all disagreements and dis- 
putes of whatever nature which might happen to arise between the 
sister Republics, and the framing and promulgation of a code of public 
law regulating their mutual relations.* 

This recpiest was repeated by Mexico August 6, 1839, 
and April 2, 1840;f and although it seems that the Gov- 
ernment of New Granada answered to the Government of 

* Torres Caicedo. — Union Latino-americana, p. 43. 

I This persistency in the efforts of Mexico caused a distinguished 
writer (Don Ramon Sotomayor Valdes) to say that the idea of an In- 
ternational Congress, which had been Bolivar's favorite scheme, took 
firm possession of the minds of Mexican authorities Qiabia ido a po- 
sarse en la cabeza del Gobierno mexicano) who made strenuous efforts 
to assemble on Mexican soil the representatives of the Spanish-Ameri- 
can Governments, and offered them a palace in the picturesque town 
of Tacubaya, at about 3 miles from the City of Mexico. — (Historia de 
Chile durante loscuarenta anos transcurridosdesde 1831 hasta 1871, por 
Don Ramon Sotomayor Valdes, vol. I, p. 387.) 



203 

Mexico (1840), accepting the invitation with enthusiasm, 
and suggesting Tacubaya as the best place for the holding 
of the Conference, nothing further was done and the pro- 
ject continued to be unexecuted. 

But at last, in 1847, the Republics of Bolivia, Chili, 
Ecuador, New Granada, and Peru decided to carry out 
the idea and meet in a Conference at Lima for the purpose 
of " maintaining their independence, sovereignty, dignity, 
and territorial integrity, and of entering into such other 
compacts as might be conducive to pi'omote their com- 
mon welfare." They also bound themselves to allow all 
the other American Republics who should be willing to 
join them in the deliberations to do so a1 any time, or ad- 
here to their agreements. 

The first meeting of this "American Congress," which 
decided to extend an invitation to the Qnited States, was 
held at Lima, on the 11th of December, 1847, Bolivia being 
represented by Sehor Don Jose Ballivian; Chili, by Senor 
Don Jose' Benavente; Ecuador, by Senor Don Pablo Merino; 
New Granada, by Senor Don Juan Francisco Martin-, and 
Peru, by Sehor Don Manuel Ferreiros. 

Between the 11th of December, 1847, and the 1st of March, 
1848, in which the Congress adjourned sine die, nineteen 
meetings were held. * As their protocols and the papers an- 
nexed to them are rather voluminous, and have been 
printed in the book of Senor Torres Caicedo,f which is 
comparatively easy to consult, the insertion thereof in these 
notes has been deemed unnecessary. On the other hand, 
the interest purely historical which those documents nave, 
since no practical results were reached by the deliberations 
which they witnessed, is by no means so great as to justify 
an inconsiderate increase of this work. 

The results of the labors of the Congress of Lima of 1847, says Se- 
nor Torres Caicedo, were a treaty of confederation, another of com- 
merce and navigation, a consular convention, and a postal treaty. The 
consular convention was approved by the Government of New Granada. 
All the other treaties became dead letter, 

* December 11, 16, 17, 20, 21, 23, 24, 28, 30, and 31, 1847; January 4, 
S, 10. 17, 18, 21 and 24 ; February 8, and March 1, 1848. 
f Union Latino-Americana, from page 111 to page 241. 






204 

Although, as it has been stated, the United States were 
invited to join the assembly, their presence there would 
not have been exactly within the scope of that Congress. 
It was intended exclusively to render the relations of the 
Spanish-American Republics with each other as close and 
as intimate as they could be; and nothing which was not 
of Spanish origin could come well within its jurisdiction. 

Nothing can be more natural, interesting, and necessary for the 
Spanish- American Republics [says the preamble of the draft of a treaty 
of confederation, which the plenipotentiaries of New Granada, Chili, 
and Bolivia submitted on the second meeting] than to put an end to 
the state of isolation from each other in which heretofore they have 
found themselves, devise efficient means to secure then: firm union 
for the purposes of defending their independence, sovereignty, dignity 
and interests, or arrrange (always by peaceful and friendly meth- 
ods) the differences and disagreements which may arise between them. 
They being bound to each other by the ties of a common origin, a com- 
mon language, a common religion, common customs, and the common 
cause for which they have struggled, as well as by their geographical 
position, the similarity of then institutions, and their analogous neces- 
sities and reciprocal interests, can not but consider themselves as parts 
of one and the same nation, which must unite their forces and their 
resources for removing all the obstacles which prevent the destinies 
assigned to them by nature and civilization from being accomplished. 

It can not be plainer, therefore, that the whole of this 
affair was purely Spanish-American, and that in it there 
was no proper room for the United States. On the other 
hand, the United States were then at war with Mexico. 

A curious incident, witnessed by the protocol of the last 
session, relative to the plan of Spain of turning the islands 
of Cuba, Porto Rico, and San Domingo into one monarchy 
or empire, more or less under her control or influence, de- 
serves attention. No better idea can be formed of it than 
by inserting the text of the protocol itself. It reads as 
follows : 

Protocol of the Conference held on the 1st of March, 1848, Seiior Jose 
Benavente, presiding. 

The plenipotentiaries of Bolivia, Chili, Ecuador, New Granada, and 
Peru having met together, the protocol of the Conference of February 
8th ultimo was read and approved, and the protocols and other docu- 
ments which could not be signed at the previous session were signed. 



205 

The plenipotentiary from Ecuador said that lie had instructions from 
his Government to bring to the knowledge of the plenipotentiaries a. 

note from the Ecuadorian consul at Caracas, bringing the intelligence 
thai by reason of the war the United States are waging against Mexico 
the Spanish Government, by agreement with a great potentate and with 
Marie-Christine, proposes to convert the islands of Cuba, Puerto Rico, 
and the Spanish portion of San Domingo into a monarchy, and at the 
same time to unite on the continent the States which formed Colombia 
to establish an empire: that to carry this scheme into effect General 
Juan Jose Elores has been sent on this mission, and it appears that the 
purpose is to throw these countries into a shite of anarchy, so as to pre- 
sent to them as a peace-maker the monarch who is to rule them. The 
other plenipotentiaries stated that although it appears little probable that 
such a scheme to establish monarchies in America by the means indi- 
cated may be attempted to be carried out, nevertheless they re-iterate 
their statements in the Conference held on the 84th day of January, and 
they do not doubt that should any of the events there mentioned take 
place, their Governments would act in accordance with the stipulations 
of the treaty of confederation, so soon as through mutual communica- 
tions they shall recognize the necessity of doing it. 

There being no further business to engage the Plenipotentiaries, they 
have closed their Conferences by signing the present ami last of the 
protocols thereof. 

D. S. Benavente. 

Juan de Francisco Martin. 

Pablo Merino. 

Manuel Ferretros. 

Jose Ballivian. 

The passage referred to in the protocol of January 24 is 
as fellows: 

The plenipotentiary from Ecuador stated that, complying with his 
instructions, he called the attention of the Congress to a serious matter, 
which was the military expedition planned ami organized in Spain by 
ex-General Juan Jose Flores, for the purpose of reconquering these 
countries and returning them to the mother country. That in proof of 
this fact the Ecuadorian Government had received advices from its con- 
fidential agent in London and from the minister for foreign affairs of 
Chili, asserting that ex-General Flores did not desist from his plan even 
after the embargo of the steam-ships and transports which were to 
carry the said expedition; that he had gone to Belgium for the purpose 
of making new enlistments: that the minister for foreign affairs of 
Chili had expressed himself in like manner in his last year's report to 
Congress: that .ex-General Flores. after his arrival in North America, 
had stationed himself in Jamaica, from which point he was stirring up 
discord and fomenting revolutions in Ecuador by means of writings 
and confidential letters which he had addressed to the present com- 



206 

manding general at Guayaquil and to other parties, and even by trans- 
mitting funds to various persons to cause an uprising in the country; 
that two revolutions, one in Guayaquil and another in Quito, had been 
discovered and crushed out; that news had been received that Don 
Andres Santa Cruz was in league with Flores to stir up like disturb- 
ances in Bolivia and Peru, for he had lately written to a distinguished 
person in Chili, that on the least expected day he would be on these 
shores, because Bolivia had broken the conditions under which he had 
agreed to expatriate himself and go to Europe; that for all these reasons 
he proposed to the American Congress that a public or secret treaty be 
entered into, by which the Confederated Republics should bind them- 
selves to refuse asylum within their respective territories to ex-General 
Flores, as the enemy and perturber of the peace of America. 

The other plenipotentiaries stated that they had no instructions from 
their governments empowering them to enter into negotiations upon 
the subject suggested by 'hat cf Ecuador in the way he proposed; that 
the treaty of confederation already stipulated all that was necessary in 
the premises in general, and that it was as applicable to the case of 
General Flores attempting an invasion (section 4, article 2) as it was to 
his trying to create disturbances in Ecuador from others of the Confed- 
erated Republics (article 14); and that the governments, should necessity 
arise, would act in accordance witli these stipulations even in case the 
treaty should not have been ratified, for they are in keeping with the 
principles which were expressed by the said governments from the 
moment notice was had of the plan of General Flores. 

The two articles of the treaty of confederation above 
cited are as follows: 

Art. II. Pursuant to the foregoing article, and for the purposes 
therein set forth, the casus foederis shall be understood to arise: 
* -x- * * * * * 

Sec. 4. Whenever adventurers or unauthorized parties, either with 
their own means or under the protection of any foreign government, 
shall invade, or attempt to invade, the territory of any of the Confed- 
erated Republics with foreign troops to intervene in the political mat- 
ters of the country, or to found colonies or other establishments to the 
prejudice of the independence, sovereignty, or dominion of the respect- 
ive Republic. 

Art. XIV. * * * Offenders charged with the crimes of treason, 
rebellion, or sedition against the governmeutof one of the Confederated 
Republics, who shall seek asylum in another of them, shall not in any 
case be delivered up ; but they may be expelled from the country 
wherein they have sought asylum, or be interned as far as fifty leagues 
from the frontiers or coasts, whenever there shall be proper grounds to 
fear their fomenting conspiracies or threatening their own country in 
any other way. The expulsion and interning shall only be done by the 
government of the Republic affording the asylum, 



-2D7 



III. 



THE "CONTINENTAL TREATY" OF 1856 AND OTHER MOVE- 
MENTS PREVIOUS TO 1864. 

The Republics of Peru. Chili, and Ecuador entered iuto 
and signed on the 15th of September, 1856, at the city of 
Santiago, a treaty of league and confederation, which has 
been called "the continental treaty," for the purpose of 

cementing upon substantial foundations the union which exists be- 
tween them, as members of the great American family, which arc 
bound together by the ties of a common origin, similar institutions, 
and many other signs of fraternity, and rendering the relations bet wren 
them and their citizens closer, by removing obstacles and restrictions, 
and promoting moral and material progress, as well as giving further 
guaranties of then- independence and territorial integrity. 

Peru was represented by Senor Don Cipriano C. Zegarra, 
Chili by Senor Don Antonio Varas, and Ecuador by Senor 
Don Francisco Xavier Aguirre; and as agreed upon by the 
treaty, the Government of Peru was assigned the duty to 
communicate with and ask the other Governments of 
America to adhere to its stipulations. 

Senor Torres Caicedohas given the full text of this com- 
pact;* but as it never became a law, and many of its par- 
ticular provisions were made the subject of criticisms and 
amendments by the Government of Peru itself, as well as 
by others, it seems unnecessary to insert it. 

Senor Torres Caicedo says: 

Above all, this treaty has the capital defect of showing a spirit hostile 
both to the United States (owing to the Walker's expeditions of those 
days) and to the monarchical forms of government, although the Em- 
pire of Brazil was wisely invited to the Union. J 

The same sentiment of alarm which the Walker enter- 
prises had produced caused Don A. J. de Irrisari, the repre- 
sentative of Guatemala in Washington, to hold conferences 
in the latter city, with the other ministers of the Spanish- 
American Republics in the United States, for devising the 
bestmanner to accomplish the plans of Bolivar. Nothing 

*Unwn Latino-Americana, p. 241 and the following. 
t Ibid., p. 50. 



208 

has been published of what was done at those conferences, 
which ended in no practical effect whatsoever. 

That feeling of alarm seems not to have been subdued or 
mitigated for some years afterward, as we find Costa Rica, as 
late as on the 14th of August, 1862, when discussing with 
Colombia a "continental league," to express herself as 
follows: 

As to the participation to be given in this matter to the Government 
of the United States of North America, my Government believes that 
such participation would be indispensable if the question were to pro- 
tect continental interests, taking the word " continental" in its broader 
sense, or to defend ourselves against danger on the part of Europe; but 
our weak and divided nationalities, our race looked at with contempt, 
our societies and institutions not yet settled, are threatened by other 
dangers against which we must look for protection. There are not al- 
ways at the head of the Great Republic moderate, just, and upright 
men as those who form the administration of President Lincoln. 

There are parties there whose doctrines can be fatal for our not yet 
well-established nationalities, and we must neither forget the lessons of 
the past nor lose sight of the fact that the cessation of the vandalic 
filibustering expedition of 1855 and the following to 1860 was due to the 
intervention, although tardily carried into effect, on the part of Europe. 

Under this aspect of the question, if our Republics could have the 
guaranty that they have nothing to fear from the United States of 
North America, it is indubitable that no other nation could be more 
useful and favorable to us. Under the shelter of her powerful eagles, 
under the influence of her wise institutions, and under the spur of her 
astonisliing progress our newly-born nationalities should receive the 
impulse which they now need, and would be permitted to march with 
firm step, without experiencing the troubles and difficulties with 
which they have had to straggle * * * . 

In view of the above considerations, the idea has occurred to my 
Government that a new compact might be draughted by which the 
United States of North America should bind themselves solemnly to 
respect, and cause others to respect, the independence, sovereignty, and 
territorial integrity of the sister Republics of this continent; not to annex 
to their territory, either by purchase or by any other means, any part of 
the territory of the said Republics; not to allow filibustering expeditions 
to be fitted up against tiie said nations, or to permit the rights of the 
latter to be in any way abridged or ignored. 

Resting upon a treaty of this kind, our Republics would admit with- 
out diffidence, and without preoccupations in regard to the future, the 
idea of an intimate alliance with the North American people; they 
would feel as if they had entered into a new life, and be possessed of 
greater strength; they would get rid of the serious and just fears which 



209 

our race has felt; they would march together with a firm step towards 
such an unity of institutions and interests as t«> change the face of the 
American nations, and lay the strongest foundation for our great con- 
tinental alliance.' 



IV. 

THE CONGRESS OF LIMA OF 1864. 

On the lltb/of January, 1864, the Government of Peru 
issued a formal invitation to all the governments of the 
Spanish nations of America to join in a Conference, or 
Congress, to be held at Lima, or elsewhere if so decided by 
them, to devise some means of accomplishing a Latin- 
American Union and "organize into only o»e family" the 
different Republics which had been Spanish colonies. 

The circular which to that effect was sent by the Peru- 
vian Secretary of foreign relations, Sefior Don Juan 
Antonio Ribeyro, stated the points to be discussed at the 
proposed Congress in the following way : 

1. To declare that the American nations represented in this Congress 
form one single family, bound together by like principles and identical 
interests to maintain their independence, their autonomic rights, and 
their national existence. This declaration of the community of views, 
of material strength and moral force, in nowise prejudices or curtails 
the lil>erty of each State to make in its internal administration the 
changes and innovations conducive to the increase of its individual 
prosperity. 

3. To negotiate an international treaty to facilitate epistolary corre- 
spondence, in order that this vehicle, so suited to mercantile operations 
and the progress of civilization, shall have all the securities, guaran- 
ties, and immunities necessary to the promotion of public and private 
interests in behalf of the American communities. It is necessary that 
the communication shall not be expensive, that the secrecy of letters 
shall be respected to the extent of fanaticism, and that the conscience 
of man, often confided to the faith of the governments, shall never, 
or for any motive, be revealed or ridiculed to the detriment and offense 
of the dignity of the nation, to the impairment of justice, and to the 
transgression of the laws, civil as well as moral. 

3. To bind the governments, in consideration of the Union estab- 
lished, to furnish each other all the statistical data which shall afford 

1 Torres Caicedo — Union Latino- Americana, p. 273 and the following. 
563A— VOL i 14 



210 

a perfect idea of their wealth, population, natural and artificial means 
at their command to defend each other in common, to develop them- 
selves now individually, now collectively, and to form a homogeneous 
whole, which shall serve as a guaranty of general peace and of respect 
for fundamental institutions. 

4. To dictate all the measures and accept all the principles which shall 
lead to the settlement of all boundary disputes, which are, in nearly all 
the American States, the cause of international quarrels, of animosities, 
and even of wars, as disastrous to the honor as to the prosperity of the 
nations. States which were at another time subject to the same domin- 
ion, it is not strange that, separated by emancipation, they should have 
frequent disputes and differences regarding territories and other rights 
of the same character, for the settlement of which measures are needed 
in keeping with the present civilization , with the reciprocal needs of the 
American States and with the general well-being of the continent. 

5. To irrevocably abolish war, superseding it by arbitration, as the 
only means of compromising all misunderstandings and causes for dis- 
agreement between any of the South American Republics. Our credit, 
our well-being, and our common happiness demand the adoption of this 
measure, in which the hopes of America are centered. 

6. To remove all the pretexts which serve as a foundation for treason 
to the American cause, prescribing the moral punishments to be visited 
upon those who, through covetous passions, shall enter into arrange- 
ments unfavorable to the independence of any of the States, to its in- 
stitutions, and to the stability of the general peace. This declaration 
is all the more necessary, since upon it depends in great part the ulterior 
destinies of th^ continent. 

Chili answered enthusiastically to this invitation, under 
date of February 18, 1864, and was followed by Bolivia 
on the 26th of February of the same year, and by Colom- 
bia on the 2d of June. It is to be noticed that the latter 
Republic, in promising to attend the Congress, expressed 
"the opinion that the United States ought not to be in- 
vited, because their policy is adverse to all kind of alli- 
ances, and because the natural preponderance which a 
first-class power, as they are, has to exercise in the de- 
liberations might embarrass the action of the Congress."* 

The consent of the nations having been obtained, the 
Congress met at Lima, on the 14th of November, 1864, 
which was selected for its being the anniversary of the 
birth of Bolivar. 

At its inaugural session, which was attended with un- 



* Torres Caicedo, Union Latino- Americana, page 82. 



211 

usual pomp and imposing ceremonies, the following pleni- 
potentiaries were present: 

For Bolivia, Seiior Don Juan <le la Cruz Benavente. 

For Chili, Senor Don Manuel Mont. 

For Ecuador, Senor Don Vicente Piedrahita. 

For Colombia, Senor Don Justo Arosemena. 

For Guatemala. Senor Dim P. A. Herran. 

For Peru, Senor Don Jose' G. Paz Soldan. 

For the Argentine Republic, Senor Don Faustino Sar- 
miento. 

For Venezuela. Senor Don Antonio L. A. Guzman. 

In referring to this Congress, Senor Torres Caicedosays: 
'•The labors of this Congress are not yet known (he wrote 
in L865.) Its sessions have been secret; and strange to say, 
indiscretion has shined by its absence."'* 

The text of the circular of invitation, and the answers of 
Chili, Bolivia, and Colombia, can be seen in full in Ap- 
pendix "E" to the book of Senor Torres Caicedo, from 
page 277 to 303. 

The published account of the first session reads as follows : 

meeting of the american congress. 

November 14, 1864. 

At 2 o'clock this afternoon, as heretofore announced, there met in the 
house prepared for the purpose and which is known by the name of 
Torre-Tagle, the most excellent the plenipotentiaries to the American 
Congress, the most excellent the council of ministers, the diplomatic 
and consular corps, the courts of justice, the civil, military, ami treasury 
officers, and a large number of distinguished persons of the capital. 
After they had all taken the seats previously assigned them, the min- 
ister for foreign affairs of the Republic, Mr. Calderon, addressed the 
following words to the plenipotentiaries: 

"(jentlemen: The Government of Peru, faithful interpreter of the 
sentiments of the Peruvian people and of all America, congratulates 
the august assembly lam addressing and which to-day .begins its im- 
portant public and general work. Much must be expected from the 
personal character of the members composing it, as well as from the 
very nature of their labor, which can not but consult the interests of 
the Continent, in which are centered just hopes of prosperity, of peace, 
and of happiness." 

Mr. Paz Soldan, minister plenipotentiary of Peru in the American 

* Union Latino-Americana, page 86, 



212 

Congress, as president of this august assembly, pronounced the follow- 
ing discourse: 

'■ Gentlemen: The countries of America should give a vote of grati- 
tude to their Governments, which, faithfully interpreting their desires 
and recognizing the necessity and importance of more closely binding 
their relations and making them more intimate, have resolved to es- 
tablish them upon the solid basis of union and fraternity. Widening 
the sphere of relations between sister countries, with sincerity and good 
faith, the American Union will identify and assimilate their rights, 
their necessities, and interests with those of all the nations of the earth. 
"The destiny of humanity leads it to form one large family. Reason, 
iustice, and right are common benefits allotted by God to all men and 
distributed equally among them all. Union, like sociability, is joint 
and indivisible, and no one can be excluded from the participation to 
which he is entitled. The respect for justice and right, the enlighten- 
ment which every day increases owing to improved means of com- 
merce and to the telegraph, and the frank and generous communication 
with all the people upon the face of the earth, are indispensable condi- 
tions to secure for every political society respect and lasting existence. 
" But these priceless benefits can not be secured if internal order and 
peace are not established: without these progress moves with distrust 
and slowly. Peace also is deceiving if it be not founded on honor and 
liberty, on independence and justice, and on the strict commmiity of 
duties and interests. 

•'These have, undoubtedly, been the motives which have impelled 
the Governments of America to appoint the Representatives here met 
together. All of them are deserving the gratitude of the New World; 
when their upright and enlightened intentions shall be well known and 
appreciated, they will receive, also, a solemn vote of adhesion and sym- 
pathy from the civilized peoples and Governments of the Old World. 

• ■ The American Congress whose sentiments I have to-day the high 
honor to express, thankfully acknowledges the congratulations show- 
ered upon it by the Peruvian people upon this solemn day, so justly 
desired and looked forward to by America. The congress will endeavor 
solicitously and to the best of its ability to devise the ways and means 
to realize the many hopes that are centered in it. 

' • As the representative of Peru, in its name and that of its government, 
it becomes my duty to tribute a just homage of gratitude to the most 
excellent governments so worthily represented in this assembly of free 
people. 

" Peru, which had the honor to invite all America to form a union, 
without sentiments or interests other than those common to all coun- 
tries, has, without causing offense to any one, had the still greater 
honor of having its voice heard, its capital accepted for the holding of 
the American Congress and the sincerity of its purposes recognized. 
For this reason, no doubt, in the hour of her bitter conflict, when her 
territory was violated and her independence threatened Divine Provj- 



213 

dence willed that she he not alone. Its finger has proved itself mighty, 
and upon meeting here so opportunely we have seen its high purposes, 
that America shall not be alone, dispersed and uncared-for, but rather 
united and firm to maintain its just rights, not to attack those of others. 

"Worthy representatives of the governments of America, the Peru- 
vian people extend to you their thanks ! Accept them." 

The President then declared the sessions of the American Congress 
open, which concluded the exercises; the American plenipotentiaries, 
the council of ministers, the cabinet and the diplomatic corps, repairing 
immediately then-after to one of the balconies of the house to receive 
the military honors given by the detachments from the army stationed 
at the capital. A tremendous crowd obstructed San Pedro and adjacent 
streets. 



CORRESPONDENCE 



RELATING TO 



THE PROPOSED CONGRESS OF PANAMA 



1881. 



215 



INDEX. 



Minister Dichman (at Bogota, Colombia) to Secretary Evarts, De- 
cember 5, 1880 217 

Colombia: Secretary Santamaria to Minister Dichman, October 14, 

1880 218 

Circular note (translation) of Colombian Government, October 11, 

1880 219 

Convention between Colombia and Chili (Translation) September 

3, 1880 220 

Reply of Chili (translation) 222 

Reply of Dominican Republic (translation) 223 

Reply of Peru (translation) 224 

Reply of Costa Rica (translation) 226 

Reply of Mexico (translation) 228 

Reply of Nicaragua (translation) 229 

Reply of Argentine Republic (translation) 230 

Reply of Colombia (translation) 237 

Reply of Guatemala (translation) 241 

Reply of Salvador (translation) 241 

Reply of Ecuador (translation) 241 

Reply of Bolivia (translation) 244 

Reply of Uruguay (translation) 246 

Reply of Honduras (A) (translation) 248 

Reply of Honduras (B) (translation) 249 

216 



CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO THE PROPOSED 
CONGRESS OF PANAMA IN 1881. 



Mr. Dichman to Mr. Evarts. 

Legation of the United States, 

Bogota. December 5, 1880. 
Sir : TheColombian minister at Washington has proba- 
bly informed you before this of a circular note addressed 
by bis government to the governments of the other Spanish- 
American Republics, based upon Article III of the pro- 
jected treaty between Colombia and Cbili, reported in my 
No. 205, of the 7th of September last, and Laving for its 
object a meeting of plenipotentiaries of all the Spanish- 
American states at Panama in September, 1881, for the 
purpose of executing with each other an international 
treaty or convention, similar to the one executed between 
Colombia and Chili, and thus not only established the 
principle of international arbitration for the determina- 
tion of any differences which may arise between any of 
the co-signatory states, as a part of the public law of "this 
continent, but also provide for the practical application of 
this principle by constituting the President of the United 
States the permanent arbitrator under the proposed treaty. 

On the same subject I am in receipt of a note from 
the Colombian secretary of Foreign Relations, inclosing a 
copy of the circular note above mentioned, and requested 
me to solicit your good offices with governments of the 
several Spanish-American Repftblics to the end that they 
may be induced to accept the invitation of the Colombian 
Government. 

Although this action of the administration of President 
Nunez in extending the invitation above mentioned may 
perhaps be premature, in view of the fact that the treaty 
between Colombia and Chili, upon which it is based, has 

217 



218 

Hot yet been approved and ratified, I nevertheless beg 
leave to recommend the solicitation expressed in the accom- 
panying note of the Colombian secretary of foreign re- 
lations to your favorable consideration, for I am sure that 
the laudable object of providing for, the more harmonious 
relations between the republican nations of this continent 
and the increased moral influence of the Government of 
the United States is a matter in which you are deeply 
intei'ested. 

The inclosed correspondence does not disclose the fact 
that a plenipotentiary from the United States is invited to 
join in the execution of the proposed treaty or convention. 
This is probably owing to the reason that the position 
assigned to the Government of the United States by the 
proposed treaty is to maintain and exercise a friendly and 
judicial impartiality in the differences which may arise 
between the powers of Spanish America. 

I would, however, respectfully recommend that if this 
proposed meeting of plenipotentiaries should take place 
the Government of the United States be represented upon 
the occasion, in order to convey to that body the interest 
felt in the United States in its proceedings, and to manifest 
the willingness of the President of the United States to ac- 
cept the trust which by the proposed treaty it is intended 
to confer upon him, if such should be his pleasure. 
I am, &c, 

Ernest Dichman. 

[Inclosure 1 in No. 232.— Translation.] 

Senor Santam.aria to Mr. Dichman. 

United States of Colombia, National Executive Power, 

Department op Foreign Relations, 

Cartagena, October 14, 1880. 

Mr. Minister: I have the honor to inclose to your honor the circular 
which, under date of the 11th instant, I have sent to the republican 
Governments of Spanish America, inviting them to be represented be- 
fore my Government at Panama in the month of September, of the 
coming year, with the object that all of them may give adhesion to 
the convention celebrated between Colombia and Chili upon the subject 
of the preservation of international peace, which I also inclose to your 
honor. 

As the reunion of all the representatives of the Republics of this part 



219 

<>f the world may, and doubtless will, give an occasion for establishing 
the principles of international law which should rule in the future in 
their relations among each other and with the nations of Kurope, and 
.1 . your lionor has demonstrated Lo me the convenience (apparent from 

every point of view) of the reunion of a congress for the indicated 
object, for the cause of democracy and the civilization of these peoples, 
I beg your honor to have the goodness to interesl yourself with the 

Government of the United States, to ti nd thai it may use its good 

relations with all the others of America, excepting that of Brazil, to 
induce them to send their representatives to Panama at the designated 
time. 

The co-operation of the Government of your honor will doubtless l»- 
of the greatest efficacy in furthering an ohject so important for all 
America. 

Witli sentiments of most distinguished consideration. I subscribe 
myself your honor's attentive and obedient servant. 

EUSTACIO SANTAMARIA. 

[Incloaure 2 in No. 232.— Translation.) 

Circular Note of Colombia Government. 

United States of Colombia, 
Department of Fobejgn Relations, 

Cartagena, October II, 1880. 
Mr. Minister: Your excellency will find herewith an authenticated 
copy of the convention celebrated in Bogota on the 3d of last Septem- 
ber, between the (iovernments of Colombia and Chili, by virtue of 
which the two republics bind themselves forever to settle whatever 
differences or controversies may arise between them through the civil- 
ized and humane method of arbitration, and to obtain by treaty from 

other sister peoples the celebration of similar mutual conventions, with 
the ohject of forever banishing international wars from the American 
Continent. 

My Government, the initiator of this measure, considers it of such 
importance thai if has not lost a single moment in making it known to 
all other Governments of America, in order thai they may, as soon as 
possible, indorse this idea and adopt as an integral and essentia] part 

of American international law the principle incorporated in the said 
convent ion. 

Peace is an essential necessity for Spanish America, and there is 
visible anxiety to secure this inestimable boon, and to maintain it 
throughout our continent. In fact, great efforts are being made every- 
where to disseminate public instruction amongst the masses, foment 
commerce and industry, and at the same time vigorously suppress all 
elements of discord. Order will thus be established upon solid bases, 
and as the knowledge and practice of republican institutions are ex- 
tended internal wars will seldom occur. 



220 

But international dissensions inayarise, especially on questions of 
boundaries and by straining a point of honor. 

Nations like ours, comprising immense territories, should not ruin 
or dishonor themselves bj bloody and disastrous wars for portions 
of uninhabited, and in many cases uninhabitable, regions, which, as far 
as the civilization and humanity of Ajoierica isconcerned might as well 
belong to one nation as another. 

Wars of this kind should be averted, and this would be the case, 
doubtless, if all the nations of the continent adhere to the saving prin- 
ciple embraced in thecompact celebrated between Colombia and Chili. 

The President of the Republic, desiring to assist allsister governments 
in the adoption of so humane a measure, has resolved to return to Pan- 
ama in the early van of September of the coming year, and he lias 
ordered me to request your excellency to appoint a representative of 
your Republic to proceed to said city with sufficient powers to sign the 
aforesaid convention, not only with my Government, but with thoseof 
the other American Republics that may send representatives. 

The city of Panama being in easy communication with the capitals 
of all the American Republics, and as it were the center of tins conti- 
nent, is the most appropriate point for the representatives of them all 
to assemble, and it is for this reason that, by order of the executive 
power, [extend to the Government of your excellency this invitation, 
which I hope will not be disregarded, since its object is of such impor- 
tance to America. 

With the well established hope to receive in Bogota a speedy and 
satisfactory reply from your excellency, t avail myself of this oppor- 
tunity to present to your excellence the sentiments of the highest and 
most distinguished consideration with which I subscribe myself, 
Your excellency's very attentive and obedient servant. 

EUSTACK) SaNTAMAKIA 

His Excellency the Minister of Foreign Relations of Chili. 



CONVENTION FOB THE PRESERVATION OF PEACE BETWEEN COLOMBIA 

and emu. 

[Translation.] 
The United States of Colombia and the Republic of Chili, desiring 

to provide a solid basis for the cordial friendly relations that have al- 
ways existed between the two nations, and at the proper time to 
strengthen the sentiments of international fraternity which should 
serve as the foundation of the peace and prosperity of the Americas, 
have resolved to conclude, in this behalf, a convention, and to this 
end have appointed plenipotentiaries, as follows, to wit : 

His excellency the President of the United States of Colombia, Don 

Eustacio Santamaria, secretary of state in the department of foreign 
relations. 



221 

His excellency the President ol the Republic of Chili, Don Fran- 

v aide \ i rgara, charge d'affaires of said Republic in the United 

States of Colombia; who, after having exchanged their full po 
and having found them to be in good and due form, have agreed 
upon the article following: 



The I faited States of < iolombia and the Republic of < Ihili bind them- 
selves in perpetuity to submit to arbitration, whenever thej can aol be 
settled through diplomatic channels, all controversies and difficulties, 
df whatever nature, thai may arise between the two nations, notwith- 
tanding the zeal which their respectivi government may display to 
proven! them, 

Al:T|( I.K II. 

The selection of the arbitrator, in case the necessity for his appoint- 
ment shall arise, .shall l,c made by a (special agreement, in which shall 
be also clearly set forth the question in dispute and the procedure to be 
observed in such arbitration. Incase noagreemeni can be reached 

upon such an arrange nt.orifthal formality be expressly waived, 

the arbitrator fully authorized to exercise the functions thereof shall 
be the Presidenl "I the I rnited States of America. 

Article hi. 

The United Stales of Colombia and the Republic of chili will en- 
deavor, at I he earliest opportunity . to conclude with the other Amen 
can nations conventions like unto the present, to the end that the 
settlement by arbitration of each and everj international controversy 
shall become a principle of American public law. 

\l: ro l.l; IV. 

This convention shall he ratified by the high contracting parties 
according to their respective formalities, and the ratifications shall he 
exchanged in Bogota or in Santiago within one year from date, if 
possible. 

In testimony whereof these presents are signed in Bogota on the 
third day of September, in the year one thousand eight hundred and 
eighty, 

[L.8.] E08TACIO Santamahia. 

M-.s. | h'lc.vv is. .. V alms Vua. \i: \. 

Uniteii states of ( 'oloniiii i national executive power. Bogota, Sep- 
tembers, IMHO. 
I. el the present convention beapproved. The presidenl of the Union. 

['••*■] liAh'AKI. \l M.Z. 

The secretary of foreign relations. 
EUST.M [O S \VI \MAHIA, 



222 



The Reply of Chili. 

Republic of Chili, 
Department of Foreign Relations, 

Santiago, November 5, 18S0. 

Mr. Minister: I have the honor to inform your ex- 
cellency that my Government has approved the conven- 
tion signed ad referendum on the . 3d of September last, 
by the charge" d'affaires of this Republic, near your ex- 
cellency's Government, and designed to submit to the 
decision of an arbitrator the controversies and difficulties 
which may arise between Chili and the United States of 
Colombia. In consequence said convention will be sub- 
mitted by my Government to the deliberation of the Na- 
tional Congress at the next regular session. 

I beg your excellency to be pleased to bring this fact to 
the knowledge of his excellency the President of the 
Colombian Republic, that he may be informed, in this 
manner, of the approval the convention has met, since it 
is not possible to transmit to Mr. Valdes Vergara the 
full powers he has solicited for the purpose of exchange 
with those exhibited by your excellency on that occasion, 
as it is presumed he has begun his trip to Washington, 
pursuant to instructions previously issued. 

When the convention shall have been approved by the 
National Congress I shall have the honor to advise your 
excellency to the end of proceeding with the exchange of 
the ratifications. 

It is a pleasure in this connection to offer to your ex- 
cellency the tribute of the high considerations with which 
I have the honor to be your excellency's attentive and 
sincere servant. 

Melquiades Valderrama. 
His Excellency the Minister of Foreign Relations 

of the United States of Colombia. 



223 



Reply of the Dominican Republic. 

Department of State for Foreign Eelations, 

Santo Domingo, November 30, 1880. 

Mr. Minister: This department of state has received 
your excellency's circular, dated the 11th of October last 
past, together with an authenticated copy of the conven- 
tion concluded in Bogota on the 3d of September last, be- 
tween the Government of Colombia and that of Chili, by 
virtue of which the pi'inciple of arbitration is laid down 
as the basis of American public law in international con- 
troversies, and inviting the Government of the Dominican 
Republic to send, by September of next year, a represent- 
ative to the city of Panama with powers sufficient to sign 
the said convention in company with the other Govern- 
ments of the American Republics there represented. 

The executive, before whom I have laid said circular 
and who considers peace Spanish-America's greatest need, 
applauds the generous initiative of the Colombian Gov- 
ernment, and hastens to adhere at once to a measure of 
saving potency for the people inhabiting the southern 
part of this continent; applause and adhesion all the more 
spontaneous since the idea developed with so much tact 
by your excellency, aside from being opportune, coming 
on the trail of a disastrous war between two sister coun- 
tries, and in view of others threatened, no less bloody and 
unjustifiable, is, to the mind of this Government, the only 
practical means of making effective the immortal idea of 
the liberator Bolivar, for from the first meeting of a con- 
gress of plenipotentiaries other like reunions will spring 
and, as a consequence, the Latin-American Amphictyony 
or Confederation. 

The Dominican Republic is guided by motives of a still 
more important nature in adhering to the policy of the 
South American Continent, in which Colombia has so 
nobly taken the lead, for, situated in the center of the 
western hemisphere, like the faithful pivot of the two 
dishes forming the scales of thenewworld, the aspirations 
for its future cause it to desire, now more than ever, in 
view of the interoceanic canal at Panama, that the hopes 



224 

of an embryonic continent be realized, founding in the 
Antilles a social organism corresponding to the natural 
one of the archipelago and converting it into the focus of 
universal civilization. 

And who knows but that the congress to which your 
excellency is pleased to invite the Government of the 
Dominican Republic will discover, in furtherance of that 
Antillian ideal, with the aid of the ever just and elevated 
attitude of Colombia in international affairs, the peaceful 
solution adapted to the natural growth of the life and 
interest of the nations up to the present engaged in real- 
izing or preventing the natural dovelopment of the human 
destinies in America. 

Animated as it is by this well-founded hope, the Govern- 
ment of the Dominican Republic will exert itself to respond 
opportunely to the invitation which your excellency has 
been pleased to transmit in the name of the Government 
of Colombia, and meanwhile the undersigned grasps the 
opportunity to present to your excellency the expression 
of his most distinguished consideration. 

The secretary of state, of justice, public works, and 
public instruction, in charge ad interim of the department 
of foreign relations. 

Eliseo Grullone. 
His Excellency the Minister op Foreign Relations of 

the Republic op Colombia, Bogota. 



The Re-ply of Peru. 

Department of Relations and Worship, 

Lima, December 4, 1880. 
Together with the authenticated copy of the convention 
concluded on the 3d of September last at that capital, 
between your excellency's Government and that of Chili, 
in which is stipulated the settlement of all the differences 
between the two nations by means of arbitration, I had 
the honor to receive your excellency's note, under date of 
February 11, of the current year, the object of which is 
to invite Peru to adhere to the said convention. 



225 

In proof of the fact that the salutary idea it sets forth 
has for many years been that entertained by this Republic, 
it is proper to recall that in the year 1805, there being at 
that time in session in Lima an American Congress, on the 
initiative and invitation of our Government, there was ad- 
justed by all the plenipotentiaries there met together the 
draft of a treaty, which should exist, authenticated, in the 
archives of that department, and which I take pleasure in 
transmitting to you herewith, printed and duly authenti- 
cated, that nothing may be wanting. 

From it your excellency will see that in the memorable 
year of 1,865 the same grand idea which now claims the 
attention of the Government of the Colombian Union had 
already taken official form and, in conseqtience, my Gov- 
ernment can not but espouse it, much less when in the 
conference of Arica, held on the 22d, 25th, and 27th of 
October last, to put an end to the present war on the 
Pacific, the great Republic of the north mediating spon- 
taneously and at its own recpiest, Peru exerted herself for 
the adoptioc, everything else having failed, of the peace- 
ful as well as impartial and just measures advised. 

Therefore, my Government concurring with that of 
your excellency, which it congratulates for the resurrec- 
tion of that fraternal compact, and which it does not doubt 
will be accepted by the other Republics invited to adhere 
to it, there only remains for me to frankly state, as I have 
the honor to do here, the dangers perhaps inevitable, 
which the fulfillment of the convention will find in one of 
its original signers, which has just shown such little satis- 
factory proof of a sincere purpose to be faithful to obliga- 
tions of this character, which, it may be said, bound it 
morally, and at any rate should be taken for granted 
among brethren who in their unfortunate differences seek 
only justice. 

Under these circumstances, and my Government not 
wishing to risk anything in a matter of such grave import, 
it awaits the termination of the present war to give a 
practical form to the acceptance which, in principle, it 
can not but lend to an idea which it has always most 
cordially entertained. As to the rest, and referring to the 
5G3A— vol I 15 



226 

general reflections of your excellency upon wars originat- 
ing in questions of boundaries and national pride, my 
Government believes that one and the other, whatever 
their importance, should be decided by the rules of justice 
and of dignity, the supreme standard of countries who 
know their rights and know also the obvious importance 
of always respecting those of others. 

I take pleasure in this connection in renewing to your 
excellency the assurances of the high consideration and 
distinguished regard with which I am your excellency's 
attentive and obedient servant, 

Pedro Jose Calderon. 
His Excellency the Secretary op State in the Depart- 
ment op Foreign Relations of the United States 
op Colombia. 



The Reply of Costa Rica. 

National Palace, San Jose, December 6, 1880. 

Mr. Minister : I have received the important commu- 
nication dated by you at Cartagena on October 11 of the 
current year, and I find attached an authenticated copy of 
the treaty concluded in Bogota on September 11 last be- 
tween the Governments of Columbia and Chili, by virtue 
of which the two Republics bind themselves for all time 
to settle any difficulties or controversies which may arise 
between them through the humane and civilized method of 
arbitration, and to secure from the other sister countries 
the negotiation of mutual treaties similar to that, with 
the object of forever banishing international wars from 
the American continent. 

Disgrace would fall upon any country priding itself 
upon its culture whose government should hesitate in 
adhering to a compact which has been demanded for a 
long time, aside from the sentiment of universal frater- 
nity, never before this century so appreciated and wide- 
spread, by our like origin and institutions, which protect 
the Latin- American nations from many of the elements 
of discord natural to contentious Europe, and which call 



227 

upon them through the ties of blood to form one greal 
family, free and happy, such as was dreamed of by the 
immortal Bolivar, as is longed for by every American in 
whose bosom beats a generous heart. 

The considerations set forth by your excellency to prove 
the advantages of the compact can not be stronger nor 
more applicable. The saving principle of arbitration not 
only secures us against all chances of armed controversies 
which deluge us with blood, devastate our lands, and par- 
alyze our progress, but it must even contribute much to 
the reform of our political existence by accustoming us 
to submit to argument instead of force the success of our 
aspirations, and to admit the authority of an arbitrator 
who in internal questions is naturally the instrument for 
settling our frequent disputes. I look upon this, moist 
excellent sir, as replete in results directly and indirectly 
tending to the happiness of America and to the imperisha- 
ble glory of democracy. 

Your excellency informs me that the President of the 
Republic, wishing to facilitate to all the sister nations the 
adoption of so humanitarian a measure, has resolved to 
return to Panama about the beginning of September of 
the coming year, and that he has requested you to ask me 
to appoint a representative from this Republic to said city, 
with sufficient powers to sign the aforesaid convention, 
not only with that government but with the other Ameri- 
can Republics who may send representatives there, and I 
take pleasure in promising your excellency, in the name 
of the most excellent President, General D. TomasGuardia, 
that the representative of Costa Rica, will be present at 
tin' coming congress of Panama. 

I close with wishes that no nation of Latin- America 
shall fail to have a representative at that meeting of peace, 
which can so greatly influence their future destinies, ami 
conveying to your excellency the expression of tin- highest 
esteem and consideration with which I subscribe myself 
your most obedient servant, 

Jose Antonio Castro. 

His Excellency the Minister of Foreign Relations of 
the United States of Colombia, 



228 



Tlie Reply of Mexico. 

Mexico, December 18, 1880. 

Mr. Minister : I have the honor to acknowledge the 
receipt of the attentive note your excellency was pleased 
to address me, bearing date the 11th of October last, trans- 
mitting me an authenticated copy of the convention con- 
cluded in Bogota on the 3d of September between the 
Government of Colombia and that of Chili, to settle by 
means of a friendly and peaceful arbitration whatever 
difficulties or controversies might arise between the two 
Eepublics, and to secure the conclusion between the other 
American nations of like conventions, to the end of ban- 
ishing international wars for all time from this continent. 

Your excellency has been pleased to state at the same 
time that to carry out such a noble purpose the President 
of Colombia will go to Panama in September of next year, 
and that he has issued instructions to your excellency to 
request of the Government of Mexico the sending of a rep- 
resentative to said city, with powers sufficient to sign the 
said convention with the other plenipotentiaries whom the 
rest of the American Republics may send there with like 
object. 

The President, whom I informed of said note, has viewed 
with the liveliest satisfaction the initiative taken by the 
Colombian Government, and its generous efforts tending 
to an end so laudable and humanitarian as is that of 
removing all danger, of war among the several countries 
comprising the American Continent, and has instructed 
this department to accord to so important a subject a care- 
ful study, in order to decide, at the proper time, upon the 
sending to Panama of the Mexican representative. 

In the meanwhile I should convey to your excellency the 
most expressive thanks for having addressed to my Gov- 
ernment so courteous an invitation, which is one proof 
more of the fraternal relations uniting the two countries, 
and which Mexico hopes will be every day more binding 
and cordial. 

Upon thus expressing myself, uuder instructions from 



229 

the President, I gladly improve this opportunity, Mr. 
Minister, to convey to your excellency the assurances of 
my highest and most distinguished consideration. 

Ignacio Marescal. 
His Exoellency the Minister op Foreign Relations of 
the United States of Colombia, Bogota. 



The Reply of Nicaragua. 

Managua, December 22, 1880. 

Sir: My Government's serious consideration has been 
given to your excellency's attentive note, dated at Carta- 
gena on the 11th of October last, designed to propose that 
this Republic send a representative to Panama in the 
month of September next, that he may concur with the 
representatives of the other Spanish-American countries 
in the conclusion of treaties which, following that recently 
concluded between the Governments of Colombia and 
Chili, a copy of which your excellency was pleased to trans- 
mit me, shall provide in perpetuity and as a principle of 
American public law that every question arising be- 
tween the nations of the continent shall be settled by the 
humane and civilized medium of arbitration. 

The suppression of war is one of the most noble aspira- 
tions of the present day, in which humanity marches with 
rapid strides towards perfection, thanks to the peaceful 
labors of the naf ions. The relations between them estab- 
lished are daily multiplied, creating new and mutual in- 
terests, which can only prosper under the protecting shel- 
ter of universal concord. 

To realize that grand aspiration, at least among the 
nations of the American family, does the honorable initia- 
tive of the Government of ( lolombia tend, and which that 
of Nicaragua embraces with enthusiasm. 

The employment of the medium proposed to settle any 
difficulties that may arise between these countries will 
insure not only their dignity and their rights, which will 
no longer be exposed to the dangers of war, but- will also 



230 

preserve their mutual sympathies, and prevent disturb- 
ances which would paralyze their development for a long 
time. 

It is, therefore, very pleasant to me to communicate to 
your excellency that the Government of this Republic 
will be represented at Panama at the time designated. 

Meanwhile I have the honor to renew to your excel- 
lency the expressions of the great regard and distinguished 
consideration with which I subscribe myself your very 
attentive and obedient servant. 

Ad. Cardenas. 
His Excellency the Minister op Foreign Relations of 
the Government of the United States of Col- 
ombia, Bogota. 



The Reply of the Argentine Republic. 

Ministry of Foreign Relations, 

Buenos Ayres, December 30, 1880. 

Mr. Minister : The undersigned, secretary of state in 
the department of foreign relations, has had the honor 
to receive and bring to the notice of the President of the 
Republic the note which, under date of the 11th of Octo- 
ber last, the honorable minister of foreign relations of 
Colombia was pleased to address him, and he performs the 
pleasant duty of replying thereto. 

The Argentine Government has learned with satisfac- 
tion of the treaty concluded between the United States 
of Colombia and the Republic of Chili, and duly esteems 
the invitation it has been favored with to adhere to the 
principle of arbitration embodied in that convention. 
Provisions tending to preserve the peace and strengthen 
the bonds of the nations of this continent -will always 
have the sympathy of this Republic, which consigned 
American fraternity among the rules of its international 
policy from the very dawn of its independence. 

Arbitration is certainly a noble aspiration of the present 
day, and the Argentine Government can point with pride 
to its endorsement, from an early date, of that measure 



231 

which wisely reconciles the requirements of justice with 
the generous sentiments of mankind. It had occasion to 
stipulate for it with the mosi excellent Governmeni of 
chili in L856 to settle boundary controversies then exist- 
ing and those thai mighl thereafter arise, [t declared in 
[874 in official documents given over to the domain <>f 
publicity (< to lie resolved, with or withoul treaties, to 
settle all internationa] controversies by arbil ration," and, 
faithful to those declarations, it adopted it in L876 to settle 
its controversies with Paraguay, after a long war, begun 
fur reasons of honor and of security, and in which its 
arms and those of iis allies completely repelled i\f ad- 
vances "f 1 1 1 .- l f ii.it ion. 

Easy would it have been for this Republic, in the end, 
t" retake tin- territories which were unlawfully retained 
through the agency of its internal disturbances and the 
indulgeni policy adopted after the emancipation. Bu1 
neither the facilities existing fur the recovery nor the con- 
sciousness the Argentine Government had of its right 
were able to weaken the moderation which prevailed ever 
in its relations with friendly Stales; and the undersigned 
can recall with Legitimate pride thai his Government pre- 
sented the high example of submitting to the award of 
an impartial power the righl to territories to which it con- 
sidered itself indisputably entitled and which it could 
have recovered at the expense of most costly victims. 

'• Peace is certainly a most important necessity for 
Spanish-America." and it, to-day depends upon the fore- 
sight of its Governments. Fortunately the times have 
passed when the principal objed of political societies on 
this continent was the defense of their independence against 
foreign aggressions and schemings. 

Europe no longer entertains thoughts of conquesl or of 
chimerical recoveries. These were abandoned in view of 
the unconquerable attitude of the countries; and if the 
continental congress suggested by Colombia should meet, 
it, will probably not he for the purpose of following the 
almost, exclusively defensive programme mapped out. by 
Bolivar. 

The alarms and mistrust which suggested to the liber- 



232 

ator that patriotic idea have disappeared iu the natural 
development of more nations. The wants of civilization, 
the great interests of commerce, which make themselves 
felt everywhere; the facilities for communication and 
transportation, which stand out among the advance- 
ments of the century, and the liberality with which 
America delivers its richness to men born in every latitude 
of the globe, are the beneficent influences which swallow 
up the antagonisms of both worlds. 

But the efforts of these countries to maintain order and 
the sincere administration of republican institutions would 
be really fruitless if the armed conflicts to which the hon- 
orable minister of foreign relations alludes could easily 
come about and if they are allowed to assume the desolat- 
ing shape which humanity condemns. 

Noble is, therefore, the desire to prevent those dangers 
and the discredit accompanying them. The undersigned 
is instructed to inform his excellency the honorable min- 
ister that in so laudable an undertaking Colombia may 
count upon the concurrence of the Argentine nation, linked 
from her very beginning to the vicissitudes and the destinies 
of South America. However, the invitation the under- 
signed has had the honor to receive suggests some ob-. 
servations of general interest, and he will submit them 
with the frankness which should prevail in the relations of 
countries bound together by happy intimacies. 

The Argentine Government accords to arbitration all the 
importance attributed to it by the Colombian, but believes 
that the purpose of the note to which it replies will not 
be realized because that principle alone is embodied in the 
plan. 

The writer can sorrowfully point, in support of his state- 
ment, to the present war upon the Pacific Coast, in whose 
flames so many elements of order and common prosperity 
are consumed. 

Bolivia and Chili solemnly agreed upon arbitration, and 
notwithstanding this agreement, suggested by prudence 
and fraternity, differences not originally affecting the 
honor or the dignity of those nations were left to the decis- 
ion of the sword. 



233 

Neither the calamities of a protracted struggle, whose 
termination is already the desire of mankind, nor the good 
offices American and European nations proffered, nor the 
interposition of an impartial and justly respected power 
have succeeded in inclining the two belligerents to the 
arbitration they agreed upon; and the war which contin- 
ues annihilating those countries demonstrates that the 
principle embodied in the recent convention of Colombia 
is not a sufficient guaranty for the preservation of peace. 

It is necessary, in view of this, that it he accompanied 
by other no less important principles; and if the Congress 
of plenipotentiaries which the Government of Colombia: 
initiates is to meet, it should be empowered to approve all 
the declarations and agreements conducive to the cement- 
ing of continental harmony. 

The former Spanish colonies once established as free and 
sovereign nations, they proclaimed as the basis of their 
public law the independence of each, and the integrity of 
the territory by them occupied, or that territory upon 
which some established themselves by peaceful agreement 
between the people and the governments. 

These principles were the firm foundation of American 
solidarity. They sprung from an identity of interests and 
aspirations. They were strengthened by the struggles of 
a period of patriotism and sacrifices, and came, in 1824, to 
control in the. diplomatic relations of the independent Re- 
publics. 

These should be written upon the first page of the pro- 
posed conference, for they have the indorsement oft hi' 
countries, and should be considered as legacies of the 
emancipation. 

It is necessary to expressly declare unlawful all attempts 
at conquest or forcible annexation, which would raise per- 
manent obstacles to future stability. 

Annexations attained by the force of arms were in Eu- 
rope the cause of great rivalries and resentments, and they 
would be in America a mad attack upon the fraternity of 
countries bound together by nature and history. 

"Forcible annexations," said Lord Russell in 185'J to the 
English ambassador in Paris, "cannot be mitigated by 



234 

the reasons generally advanced, for, if force and not right 
were the rule determining the territorial possession, the 
integrity and independence of lesser States would be in 
permanent danger." 

It is important also to protect the American national- 
ities from seditious separations which have never been 
known in this Republic, but which did not fail to be at- 
tempted in other places, instigated by turbulent ambitions. 

Some governments have embodied in their constitutions 
clauses providing for such cases; and it is recognized 
among the doctrines intended to preserve the general 
order that forcible separations are prohibited, for every 
act of that nature requires the consent of the nation in 
which it is verified. 

The division of Colombia into three independent Re- 
publics was sanctioned by that country. 

The Provinces of Potosi, Chuquisaca, Cochabamba, and 
La Paz, belonging to this Republic, became in 1825 a part 
of the new Republic of Bolivia by act of the Argentine 
Congress; and the rich segregations which went to consti- 
tute Uruguay and the Republic of Paraguay were legal- 
ized by the will of the nation. The Argentine believes 
that that principle should be upheld by express agree- 
ments. It was maintained by the United States of the 
North in their memorable straggle against the seditious 
theories of nullification, and for Colombia it has the pleas- 
ant precedent of having been proclaimed by the Libera- 
tor, who declared: "to be anarchical the separation of any 
State or province without the consent of the political so- 
ciety to which it belongs. " 

The Government of the undersigned believes that it 
would be advisable to have it well established in the inter- 
national agreements that there are not in Spanish-Amer- 
ica territories which may be considered res rtullius, and 
that all territory comprising it, however deserted or re- 
moved it be, belongs to the former Spanish Provinces, 
invested, after 1810, with the rank of free and sovereign 
States. 

Having reached this point, the undersigned feels called 
upon to touch lightly upon some of the points in the note 



235 

he replies to regarding uninhabited lands. He believes 
that if sundry pretentions founded on that fact were per- 
mitted the tranquillity Colombia aims at would vanish. 

The American Republics being owners of the extensive 
territories comprised within the colonial limits, having 
not long ago inaugurated the policy of colonization and 
labor, which rapidly increases population and makes des- 
erts fruitful, can not admit that the circumstance of there 
being at present uninhabited localities, more or less exten- 
sive, weakens the power of their rights. 

If the want of population could be alleged as a warrant 
for the unlawful retaining of another's property; if the 
possibility of occupying points, at present uninhabited, 
could be relied upon as a legitimite means of acquiring 
them, discord would reign in the relations of countries 
which Providence has destined to develop through the 
bonds of confidence and cordiality. 

The honorable president accepts no wavering in this 
regard, and believes that the efforts and the wishes of 
every Government should combine to establish historical 
fact and justice as the only source of title to territory in 
this part of the world. 

Easy it is, in the judgment of the Argentine Govern- 
ment, to prevent, by means of prudent stipulations, that 
claims for damages and all questions which may be settled 
by pecuniary indemnities should become wrangling con- 
tentions, rendering arbitration futile, and believes that 
agreements tending to insure that in no case shall hostili- 
ties break out among the South American nations without 
notice, transmitted sufficiently in advance to reconcile the 
necessity of war with the freedom of action during peace, 
would meet with general approval. 

The first of these suggestions accords with the liberal 
spirit of these nations, and the second will allow the gov- 
ernments to stimulate the advancement of the states over 
which they preside without having to divert those means 
necessary to the peaceful development of their resources 
to precautionary elements of security and defense. 

It is not impossible that, notwithstanding the concur- 
rence of the governments in the principle of arbitration 



236 

and their approval of the ideas suggested in this note, dis- 
turbances may arise which, as has happened on the Pacific, 
will break asunder the good understanding existing be- 
tween two or more nations; and it is in keeping with the 
conciliatory programme which Colombia favors to miti- 
gate the consequences of that calamity. 

If America meets together to render armed struggles 
less feasible, it is natural it should study the way to insure, 
if, despite the common effort, they occur, their not being 
accompanied by the desolation which marked the somber 
marches of the armies of the olden time. 

The writer could go on at length with suggestions relating 
to the patriotic purposes of the invitation to which he re- 
plies, but he deems it proper to limit himself to those 
which can more directly contribute to the strengthening 
of the general tranquillity, leaving it to the governments 
to initiate other measures which are surely worthy of con- 
sideration by an international congress. 

The undersigned does not harbor the pretension of hav- 
ing presented new ideas to the consideration of the Colom- 
bian Government, and declares without reserve that some 
of those suggested in this note already have the indorse- 
ment of the people and that others have the prestige of the 
approval of the men who became pre-eminent in the great 
campaigns of the revolution. 

His excellency Mr. Santamaria will deduce from the 
foregoing that the Argentine Government does not consider 
the stipulation for arbitration alone an efficacious measure 
for putting an end to international controversies. That in 
its opinion we could only attain that end by embodying in 
American public law the principles already referred to and 
other analogous ones, which, by removing troublesome 
differences, will be now and hereafter the true guaranties 
of peace. 

The honorable President of the Republic has instructed 
the undersigned to submit to the most excellent Govern- 
ment of Colombia the foregoing observations and to in- 
form it that, grateful for the invitation with which he has 
been favored and in the hope that the observations will be 
accepted, he will adopt the necessary measures that this 



237 

Republic may bo represented at a conference having a 
wider scope than that proposed. His excellency consid- 
ers that this one, being limited t<> the subscribing of the 
convention recently concluded in Bogota, responds but 
feebly to the elevated purposes of Colombia and will leave 
unsatisfied aspirations and wants which are worthy of 
consideration. 

The honorable President has further instructed the un- 
dersigned not to bring this communication to aclose with- 
out renewing the assurances that the Argentine Govern- 
ment, faithful to the antecedents of the nation, will con- 
tribute all the means within its power to prevent those 
unfortunate wars which break asunder the bonds of a 
glorkms solidarity. 

The undersigned improves the opportunity to renew to 
his excellency the honorable minister of foreign relations 
the assurances of his highest and most distinguished con- 
sideration. 

Bernado de Irigoven. 



Response of the Colombian Secretary of Foreign l!< lotions. 

United States of Colombia, 
Department op Foreign Kelations. 
Botoga, April J'.t. 1881. 

Mr. Minister: The River Plata press has published 
and ours has just reproduced one of your excellency's 
notes, dated December 30 of last year, which is a reply to 
the circular in which my government, informing those of 
republican America of a convention for peace and arbi- 
tration arrived at between Colombia and Chili, invited 
them to adhere to this act of elevated as well as advanta- 
geous international policy and requested them, moreover, 
to send, before a certain date, to the city of Panama, their 
representatives for the purpose of then.' giving a solemn 
and definite form to their adhesion. 

The original text of your excellency's said note has not 
yet been received in the department under my charge, but 
my government does not hesitate to consider the printed 



238 

version authentic, and because of the exhaustiveness and 
ability with which your excellency has treated the sub- 
ject of this correspondence, as well as in view of the prox- 
imity of the date set for the realization of our purposes, 
the President of Colombia has issued special instructions 
to me, a succinct relation of which in this note will bring 
about, I am sure, the agreement now almost reached be- 
tween the two governments on the lines laid down by 
your excellency. 

My Government's said circular did not set forth, as its 
character of a simple invitation to agree upon the general 
principles embodied in that of arbitration precluded it, 
the detailed exposition of each and all of said principles. 
Moreover upon proposing therein that the Spanish- Amer- 
ican nations, whose advanced political institutions com- 
pel them to observe the most equitable international rules, 
adopt arbitration as a means of settling their controversies, 
it was understood that the basis necessary to this end 
must be the express adoption of the doctrines of justice 
and the principles of common security which your excel- 
lency sets forth in the elaborative part of your note, doc- 
trines and principles which in Colombia constitute not 
merely a theory more or less popular or changeable but 
the unvarying history of its policy, and the standard of 
action of all of its administrations. 

The history of the great Republic of Colombia, as well 
as the contemporaneous history of the single section which 
now bears that glorious name, is too well known to your 
excellency and your illustrious Government to make it 
necessary for me to enter upon the enumeration of the 
abundant precedents it affords of the general adoption and 
putting into practice of those sound doctrines. 

In the long and complicated record of its negotiations as 
to boundaries, Colombia has never for a moment deviated 
from the fundamental principle of the ute posidetis of law, 
or be it from the colonial administrative tradition in force 
at the historical time when the war of independence ended, 
the present Spanish- American nations were organized. 

Our foreign policy, but an extension of our domestic 
policy, has been and is so peaceful, fraternal and friendly 



rdi) 

towards all countries, and more especially towards those 
who share with us history, institutions, and tendencies, 
that, happily, there have not been many opportunities to 
prove, even in the flush of success, our adhesion, firm and 
based on conviction, to all those triumphs of progress 
which give to modern international law its most noble and 
fruitful character, that is, that of a code of morals which 
assures mutual respect and harmony among all nations. 

When, notwithstanding this, as a consequence of the 
natural imperfection of things human, war broke out, and 
the arms of Colombia were victorious, she did not go a, 
whit beyond what is in keeping with countries governed 
by public opinion, and in which so safe a guide is enlight- 
ened enoughand sufficiently untrammeled to deny support 
to enterprises exclusively engendered by ambition and 
force. 

Professing such doctrines and keeping in line with such 
precedents, Colombia has always ignored the pretended 
existence of territories without owner, or which can be 
considered res nullius; and on a stated occasion, when the 
lillihusterism epidemic laid waste the Central American 
coast, she solemnly protested against the policy of a, great 
nation, in so far as it tended to give weight and authority 
to the acts of the victorious usurpation. "Be its impor- 
tance what it may," it said at that time, "and its power, 
consisting more than all in the patriotism of its sons, it 
can not and ought not to admit, by its authority or its 
silence, such principles, in its judgment, at variance with 
the inherent sovereignty of the nations and a constant 
menace to the peace and the independence of those which 
have established themselves on these continents." 

Finally, our conventional law. and particularly that 
establishing and defining our relations with Spanish coun- 
tries, comprises all those measures of Christian foresight 
tending to prevent war, and which, even <>n theeve thereof 

and its most doleful extre s, favors and stimulates the 

peaceful mediation of neutral and friendly States. 

This succinct relation of the character of our policy and 
of the principles upon which it is based, will carry, 1 doubt 
not, to the mind of that illustrious Government the con- 



240 

viction that the considerations with which your excellency- 
explains at length the purposes of a common agreement 
between the Republic States of South America, have not 
been expressly omitted by ours. It is to be hoped, there- 
fore, that the Argentine Republic will not fail of repre- 
sentation at Panama, a convention to which the majority, 
if not all of the other Spanish States, have already offered 
to send a representative. It will not be out of place to say 
to your excellency that Colombia's initiatory, so kindly 
characterized and embraced by your Government, is in- 
timately related to the great destinies reserved for that 
portion of the Colombian territory, with the character 
which our policy has imprinted upon it. Across that 
isthmus there is to be cut, in fact, a neutral canal which 
will place the two hemispheres in communication. There 
the diversified races and various civilizations of the world 
are called to mingle and consolidate, and it is natural that 
the Spanish-American countries, participators, too, in the 
future advantages of so great an enterprise, should be 
those called upon to inaugurate with their mutual under- 
standing and the noble obligation to settle their contro- 
versies rationally, the era of active and fruitful peace 
which those works of labor and of universal capital prom- 
ise the countries of the world. 

The Argentine Republic occupies, it is true, a geo- 
graphical position which removes her somewhat from the 
enjoyments of those benefits, but the people and Govern- 
ment are too enlightened to ignore the fruitful solidarity 
of all progress, even though the theater of its action be 
removed. 

My Government counts upon this note being satisfac- 
tory to that of that Republic, and entertaining so pleasant 
a hope, I have the honor to express to your excellency the 
sentiments of high consideration with which I subscribe 
myself, 

Your obedient servant, 

RlCARDO BECERRA. 

His Excellency Mr. Berando de Irigoyen, 
Minister of Foreign Relations of the Argentine Republic, 
Buenos Ayres. 



241 

The Reply of Guatemala. 

Department of 
Foreign Relations of Guatemala, 

Guatemala, January ;>, 1881. 

Mr. Minister: I had the honor to receive your favor, 
dated October 11 of last year, and an accompanying- copy 
of the treaty signed in Bogota on the 3d of last September. 

Your excellency is pleased, through your note, to ex- 
tend an invitation to the Government of Guatemala to 
send a representative, in September of the current year, 
to the city of Panama with the object of extending the 
treaty between Colombia and Chili, which has for its 
object the abolishment of national wars in America and 
the settlement, by arbitration, of all questions arising be- 
tween the various countries. 

The idea is as philanthropic as it is grand and beneficent. 
Its fulfillment will be one of the greatest triumphs of mod- 
ern civilization. 

Should the project fail, it will still be an honor for 
Colombia to have made so noble an effort towards its 
accomplishment. 

The Government of Guatemala congratulates itself its 
the recipient of so flattering an invitation, and has the 
honor to assure your excellency, through me, that it will 
send to Panama, on the steamer of the last of August, the 
l'epresentative requested. 

This opportunity affords me the honor to assure y< m that 
I am your excellency's most obedient servant, 

Lorenzo Montufar. 
His excellency the Minister of Foreign Relations of 

Colombia. 



The Reply of Salvador. 

Department of 
Foreign Relations of Salvador, 

San Salvador, January 5, 1881. 
Mr. Minister: 1 have had the honor to receive your 
excellency's courteous dispatch, dated October 11 of last 
year, accompanying a copy of the treaty entered into 
563a— vol i 10 



242 

between Colombia and Chili on September 3 of the same 
year. 

Your excellency's government, inspired by the princi- 
ples of the soundest policy, and essentially humanitarian, 
is pleased to invite my government, together with those 
of the other Latin Eepublics, to send representatives to 
Panama in September of the present year in order that 
they may adhere to the said treaty and establish as a prin- 
ciple of the international law of Latin-America the obli- 
gation in perpetuity to settle by arbitration all contro- 
versies which may arise between any of the contracting 
countries which it has not been possible to settle through 
diplomatic channels. 

My government at once enthusiastically accepts so 
philanthropic an idea, the realization of which will prove 
the most glorious achievement of modern civilization, and 
at the proper time it will send its plenipotentiary to Pan- 
ama. 

I avail myself of this opportunity, Mr. Minister, to con- 
vey to your excellency, together with the admiration ami 
sympathy which the noble Colombian nation has always 
inspired in me, the sincere assurances of regard and 
respect with which I have the honor to be your excel- 
lency's most attentive and faithful servant, 

S. Gallego. 
His excellency the Minister of Foreign Relations 

of the United States of Colombia, Bogota. 



TJie Reply of Ecuador. 

Department of 
Foreign Relations of Ecuador, 

Quito, January 5, 1881. 
Mr. Minister: Your excellency's important note, dated 
October 11 last, and the authenticated copy of the con- 
vention concluded in Bogota on the 3d of September last 
between the plenipotentiaries of Colombia and Chili, 
were received and by me laid before his excellency the 
President of the Republic, who has instructed me to ex- 



243 

press to your excellency his most sincere acknowledgment 
for the invitation extended to my government, thus giving 
it another proof of the fraternal regard in which it is 
held by the cabinet at Bogota,, and which that at Quito 
returns, hoping that the relations between the two coun- 
tries may be every day more intimate. 

The saving principle of arbitration for the settlement 
of international controversies, especially touching ques- 
tions of boundaries and national pride, will make of the 
territory of the continental nations accepting and prac- 
ticing it the land of promise for mankind, where America 
may offer to all nations the conjunction of the most 
sublime triumphs of civilization. 

Even laying aside the preceding remarks, my govern- 
ment could not decline your excellency's generous invi- 
tation without violating a duty, for in Ecuador the im- 
portant principle of international arbitration in the nego- 
tiation of public treaties has been raised to a constitutional 
canon. The article to which I allude in our constitution 
says, literally: 

" In every negotiation for the conclusion of interna- 
tional treaties of friendship and commerce it shall be pro- 
posed that differences between the contracting parties 
should be settled by arbitration by a friendly power or 
powers, without resorting to arms." 

If, then, this Republic has been the first in South America 
to give, to a certain point, a practical form to the most 
humane and transcendent principle of modern civilization, 
its Government will also be one of the most solicitous to 
be represented at the congress of plenipotentiaries to meet 
in Panama next September. 

I gladly take this opportunity to renew to your excel- 
lency the distinguished consideration with which I sub- 
scribe myself your very attentive and obedient servant. 

CORNELIO C. VERNAZA. 

The Most Excellent Minister of Foreign Relations 
of the Republic of Colombia, Bogota 



244 

The Reply of Bolivia. 

Department of Foreign Relations op Bolivia, 
La Pas, January 10, 1881. 

Sir : I have had the honor to receive, together with 
your courteous communication of the 11th of October of 
last year, an authenticated copy of the convention con- 
cluded in Bogota between the United States of Colombia 
and the Republic of Chili, by virtue of which both na- 
tions bind themselves in perpetuity to decide all their con- 
troversies through the humane means of arbitration, and 
to agree upon analogous conventions with the other States 
to the end that the settlement of every conflict by those 
means shall become a principle of American public law. 
And with such lofty purposes, which tend to wipe out from 
the continent the calamities of war, your excellency is 
pleased to invite the Government of Bolivia to take part 
in the international council initiated by the most excellent 
Government of Colombia. 

It does your excellency's Government great honor to 
have been the prime mover in a scheme which, if carried 
out to its fullest extent, will exercise a beneficent influence 
on the destinies of all America, and pave the way to the 
aggrandizement of the nations of the remotest posterity. 
As a matter of fact, what progressive movement war could 
impress on our continent is beyond comprehension. If in 
wise and cultured Europe it has been continuous, owing to 
causes destined to disappear completely, it is meaningless 
in nationalities which, united and free, sprang from the 
Spanish colonies. Here in America do not exist those 
great and irremediable antagonisms of race, of creeds, of 
superiority, of obstinate traditions, which, failing to ac- 
complish peaceful development, break out in armed con- 
flicts. On the contrary, a thousand circumstances unite 
to maintain that repiiblican America is destined to be the 
true home of justice, of law, and of peace. The nation- 
alities comprising it, of common origin and destiny, 
emancipated from the decadent mother country, vigor- 
ously impelled by identical necessities, and thanks to 
heroic sacrifices, have obeyed the progressive movement 



245 

which has brought out the advanced doctrines of the good 
understanding of the nations of the New Continent. 

With vast territories that in the course of centuries will 
offer space and accommodations to the most increasing pop- 
ulation, and with prodigious sources of wealth, powerful 
stimulant which encourages work, the new Republics prov- 
identially charged to herald the advent in all its splendor 
of democracy and its strict application to international ex- 
istence, need to firmly unite by all possible bonds to show 
themselves great, powerful, and strong before the civil- 
ized world. 

******* 

In Europe itself, where the wiping out at one stroke of 
antagonistic precedents accumulated in the course of time 
is not attainable, the substitution of arbitration for war 
has already passed from the meditations of the wise into 
the public conscience, and it may be looked upon as defi- 
nitely embodied in the science of international law. 
******* 

My Government, convinced that all international agree- 
ments preparing the way for the abolishment of war, or 
tending to civilize it in behalf of peace, are the great 
aspirations of cultured nations, hastens gladly to send to 
Panama at the time designated by your excellency, the 
Bolivian representative, armed with the fullest powers to 
sign, together with the Government of Colombia and the 
representatives of the American Republics who extend si > 
frank adhesion to the principle of arbitration, the great 
compact of continental good understanding initiated by 
your excellency's Government. 

******* 

In connection with so worthy a motive, I have the 
honor to express to your excellency the sentiments of 
particular distinction and respect with which I subscribe 
myself, 

Your obedient and faithful servant, 

C. Carrillo. 

The Most Excellent Minister of Foreign Relations 
of the United States of Colombia, Bogota. 



246 

The Reply of Uruguay. 

Department of Foreign Relations, 

Montevideo, January 28, 1881. 

The undersigned, Minister Secretary of State in the De- 
partment of Foreign Relations, has the honor to reply to 
the note he received recently, addressed by the Most Ex- 
cellent Minister of Foreign Relations of Colombia, under 
date of October 11 last. 

With that note your excellency transmits the treaty 
concluded between the United States of Colombia and the 
Republic of Chili, by which the two Republics bind them- 
selves in perpetuity to settle whatever difficulties or con- 
troversies may arise between them through the humane 
and civilized medium of arbitration, and to secure from 
the other sister nations the negotiation of similar conven- 
tions, for the purpose of forever banishing international 
wars from the American Continent. 

Your excellency manifests that your Government, be- 
ing the initiator of this measure, considers it of such im- 
portance that it has wished not to lose one moment in 
making it known to all the others in America, so that 
they may at once adhere to it, and the principle the said 
convention embodies be adopted as an essential and inte- 
gral principle of American public law. 

His excellency the President of the Republic, having 
informed himself of so important a document, has in- 
structed the undersigned to convey, through your excel- 
lency, his cordial congratulations to the illustrious Gov- 
ernment of Colombia for the noble and patriotic invitation, 
' together with his sincere adhesion to the initiative with 
which he is honored, which he will endeavor to carry into 
effect by the means and in the form prescribed in the 
constitution of the Republic with reference to interna- 
tional compacts. 

His excellency, the President, considers the convention 
of the 3d of September, 1880, as the happy complement 
of the wise and humane resolution of the plenipotentiaries 
of the Congress of Paris in 1856 to the effect that: " States 
between which any serous misunderstanding should arise 



■_>47 

should, before resorting to arms, appeal, as far as circum- 
stances shall permit, to the good offices of a friendly 
power." 

That resolution met with the approval of the Eastern 
Government (Uruguay), as well as the majority of the 
governments of Europe and America; but a sorrowful 
experience has shown that it was forgotten, or ineffectual 
In prevent disastrous wars. 

Obligatory arbitration will undoubtedly have greater 
efficacy, but there will be surely no objection to accompa- 
nying it with other provisions to guaranty its enforce- 
ment. 

Controversies and difficulties of every kind being sub- 
mitted to arbitration, disputes as to boundaries or territo- 
rial integrity should be understood as being included, and 
SO your excellency's note would indicate when it asserts 
that the saving principle which the transcendent compact 
concluded between Colombia and Chili embodies will un- 
doubtedly secure the prevention of war growing out of 
international disputes, especially upon cpiestions of bound- 
aries. 

The beneficent views of that agreement will be more 
surely realized by laying down principles and rules which 
shall render those controversies impossible. 

The Eastern (Uruguayan) Government hopes that that 
of Colombia will accord with these ideas in view of the 
official declaration of its most excellent envoy extraordi- 
nary and minister plenipotentiary in France. 

His excellency, in a note of the nth of December to the 
Uruguayan legation in Paris, accompanying a copy of the 
said treaty, requests that he recommend to his Government 
to subscribe the arbitration treaty through the representa- 
tive it sends to the Panama congress in the month of Sep- 
tember, and adds: -'It is also possible that in said congress 
there be adopted some other principles as essential to Amer- 
ican public law, which cannot be like the European in 
every particular, be it because of diversity of circum- 
stances or difference in administration." 

Having explained the sense in which the President gives 
his adhesion, the undersigned reiterates in the name of his 



248 

excellency the most sincere congratulations to the most ex- 
cellent Government of Colombia for the lofty sentiments 
which inspire it in favor of the peace and harmony of the 
American nations, and which contribute so much to 
strengthen the friendly relations which happily exist be- 
tween the United States of Colombia and the Eastern 
Republic of Uruguay. 

The undersigned honors himself in greeting his excel- 
lency, Mr. Eustacio Santamaria, with the most distin- 
guished consideration. 

Joaquin Requena y Garcia. 
His excellency, Mr. Eustacio Santamaria, 

Minister of Foreign Relations 
of the United States of Colombia. 



The Reply of Honduras. 

Department of Foreign Affairs, 
Republic of Honduras, 

Tegucigalpa, February 20, 1881. 

Mr. Charge d'affaires. I have had the honor to re- 
ceive your very courteous dispatch, dated at San Jose" de 
Costa Rica, on the 2d of December last, and by which you 
were pleased to inform me that your Government had 
directed you to transmit the circular letters which it had 
addressed to the Central American Governments, urging 
them to conclude an arbitration convention which may 
settle peacefully the disagreements or questions which may 
arise between the contracting parties. And you have ac- 
cordingly transmitted, together with your said dispatch, 
the circular intended for the Government of this Re- 
public. 

It gives me pleasure to inform you that my Government 
adopts, with the profoundest satisfaction, the humane and 
fraternizing proposal of the Government of the United 
States of Colombia; and that accordingly it has had the 
honor to reply, promising to send a representative to 
Panama to sign the important arbitration convention sug- 



249 

gested from motives whose elevation can not be sufficiently- 
appreciated. 

The reply which my Government makes to the circular 
in question accompanies this despatch, and I beg that you 
will be pleased to forward it to its distinguished destina- 
tion. I deem it proper to state that, being in doubt as to 
your being still at the capital of that Republic, my Depart- 
ment has transmitted directly to his excellency the secre- 
tary of foreign affairs of Colombia a duplicate of the reply 
to the circular of your Government. 

I avail myself of this opportunity to offer you the assur- 
ances of my most respectful and distinguished considera- 
tion. 

Your devoted and faithful servant, 

Ramon Rosa. 

His Excellency the Charge d'affaires 

Of Colombia in Costa Rica— Bogota. 



The Re-ply of Honduras. 

Department of Foreign Affairs, 
Republic of Honduras, 

Tegucigalpa, February 20, 1881. 

Mr. Minister. I have had equal honor and pleasure in 
receiving, together with your interesting dispatch of Oc- 
tober 11 last, an authenticated copy of the convention 
entered into at Bogota, on the 3d of September of the year 
last past, by the Governments of Colombia and Chili, and 
by which the two Republics bind themselves in perpetuity 
to remove whatever difficulties or controversies may arise 
between them by the humane and civilized method of 
arbitration, and to recommend to the other sister nations 
the celebration of mutual conventions similar to the one 
in question, with the object of eliminating forever from 
the American continent all international wars. 

Your excellency, after setting forth appropriately and 
with notable elevation and lucidity of ideas, the reasons 
which moved your Government to celebrate that most im- 
portant convention already mentioned, was pleased to add 
that his excellency the President of the Republic of the 



250 

United States of Colombia, desiring to facilitate for all 
the sister nations the adoption of so beneficent a measure. 
has determined to return to Panama early in September of 
the- current year, having first directed you to request my 
Government to send a representative of this Republic to 
said city, empowered to subscribe said convention, not 
only with your excellency's Government, but with the 
Governments of the other American Republics which shall 
send their representatives thither. 

Let me be permitted to state to your exeellency that, 
in the opinion of my Government, honor redounds to Col- 
ombia, honor redounds to all Latin- America, from the 
adoption of the great and (in many respects) transcendent 
idea which the Colombian Government has put forward on 
the occasion of the celebration of said convention with 
Chili, by proposing that its provisions — provisions which 
are certainly of incalculable importance to the peace 
and the civilization of the countries of Spanisb-America — 
be adopted by the Governments of the States which upon 
this continent are historically destined to bring into act- 
ual existence "law" in the sense in which that stands for 
right ("derecho"), to the advantage of humanity and 
the honor of our age. 

Such ideas, which nourish the faith of enlightened spirits 
in a future of peace, of progress, and of fraternity for the 
nations of the New World, are doubtless those which have 
suggested to your excellency's Government the happy 
thought of putting an end, through the authoritative in- 
tervention of the law, to the international conflicts and 
wars which from an early date have impoverished, dis- 
credited, and even dishonored the nations of America (na- 
tions) which began their career with a profound sense of 
right ("derecho"); which have achieved social and polit- 
ical reforms most worthy of being prized; and, which by 
their genius and their command of the elements of wealth 
and prosperity are destined to win at no distant day, by 
their union, their order, and their progress, the most benevo- 
lent and respectful consideration of the civilized world. 

It has fallen to the lot of your excellency's Government 
to promote, in a spirit of elevated humanity, the definitive 



25 l 

establishment of the peace of Spanish-America; to sub- 
serve one of its must important interests, and to prepare 
the advent of thai Latin-American Union anticipated by 
the genius of Bolivar the Liberator, and which is to-day 
the aim of the enlightened policy of your excellency's 
Government; for, in truth, to assure the peace of the Latin- 
American countries, to connect and strengthen their in- 
terests, to cause their fraternity to tie realized from day 
to day. is to go straight toward a Latin-American Union. 
is to give a full and transcendent reality to what was once 
the most beautiful dream of the greatest man of republi- 
can America. 

Under the influence of what your excellency has said. 
and of the considerations above expressed, which natur- 
ally inspire a genuine enthusiasm, I can not refrain from 
saying to your excellency, with sincere satisfaction, that 
my Government is disposed to send to the city of Panama, 
in the beginning of September next, a representative fully 
empowered to join your excellency's Government and the 
Plenipotentiaries of the American Republics in concluding 
the arbitration convention which is to put an end to the 
period of fratricidal wars on our continent, and open the 
happy era of peace and fraternity among the nations of 
Spanish-America. 

Let your excellency's Government accept the heartiesl 
congratulations of my Government on the great thought 
which it has enunciated in the interest of civilization and 
the future of America, and let your excellency receive the 
assurances of my highest and most distinguished consid- 
eration, with which I subscribe myself your attentive and 
obedient servant. 

Ramon Ros \ 

His Excellency don Etjstacio Santamaria. 
Secretary of Statt in flu Department of Foreign Affairso*f 

ilt * Goverrmu ntof flit- United States of Colombia, Bogota. 



Note. — The Congress of 1881, to which the foregoing- 
papers refer, was not held, as it appears, owing to the war 
which broke out in South America just about the time 
which had been fixed for its meeting. 



CORRESPONDENCE 



RELATING TO THE 

PROPOSED CONGRESS AT WASHINGTON 



1882 



INDEX 



Secretary Blame's circular letter, November 29, 1881 255 

Venezuela : President Guzman Blanco to Minister Carter, Jan- 
uary 5, 1882 258 

Venezuela : Secretary Seijas to Minister Carter, January 7, 

1882 259 

Guatemala : Secretary Cruz to Minister Logan, January 12, 

1882 ■ 261 

Brazil : Secretary De Sa to Minister Osborn, February 8, 1882 . 263 

Salvador : Secretary Gallegos to Minister Logan, February 13, 

1882 264 

Nicaragua: Secretary Medina to Minister Logan, February 14, 

1882 265 

Honduras: Secretary Rosa to Minister Logan, February 20, 

1882 265 

Bolivia: Secretary Zilocti to Minister Adams, February 24, 

1882 266 

Costa Rica: Secretary Castro to Minister Logan, February 25, 

1882 267 

Mexico : Secretary Mariscal to Minister Morgan, March 23, 

1882 269 

Secretary Frelinghuy sen's circular letter, August 9, 1882 272 

Guatemala: Minister Montufar to Secretary Frelinghuysen, 

June 5, 1882 273 

Ecuador : Minister Arias to Secretary Frelinghuysen, Septem- 
ber 16, 1882 274 

Salvador : Secretary Gallegos to Minister Hall, October 3, 1882. 275 

Uruguay : Minister Hordenana to Charge d' Affaires Williams, 

October 12, 1882 '--- 276 

Paraguay: Secretary Decoud to Charge d' Affaires Williams, 

October 17, 1882 277 

254 



CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO THE PROPOSED 
CONGRESS AT WASHINGTON IN 1882. 



[Circular Letter.] 

Mr. Blaine to Mr. Osborn. 

No. 150.] Department of State, 

Washington. November 39, 1881. 

Sir: The attitude of the United States with respect to 
the question of general peace on the American continent 
is well known through its persistent efforts for years past 
to avert the evils of warfare, or, these efforts failing, to 
bring positive conflicts to an end through pacific counsels 
or the advocacy of impartial arbitration. 

This attitude has been consistently maintained, and al- 
ways with such fairness as to leave no room for imputing 
to our Government any motive except the humane and 
disinterested one of saving kindred States of the American 
continent from the burdens of war. The position of the 
United States as the leading power of the New World might 
well give to its Government a, claim to authoritative utter- 
ance for the purpose of quieting discord among its neigh- 
bors, with all of whom the most friendly relatious exist. 
Nevertheless, the good offices of this Government are not 
and have not at any time been tendered with a show of 
dictation or compulsion, but only as exhibiting the solicit- 
ous good-will of a common friend. 

For some years past a growing disposition has been man- 
ifested by certain States of Central and South America to 
refer disputes affecting grave questions of international 
relationship and boundaries to arbitration rather than to 
the sword. It has been on several such occasions a source 
of profound satisfaction to the Government of the United 
States to see that this country is in a large measure looked 
to by all the American powers as their friend and media- 



256 

tor. The just aiid impartial counsel of the President in 
such cases has never been withheld, and his efforts have 
been rewarded by the prevention of sanguinary strife or 
angry contentions between peoples whom we regard as 
brethren. 

The existence of this growing tendency convinces the 
President that the time is ripe for a proposal that shall 
enlist the good-will and active co-operation of all the 
States of the Western Hemisphere, both north and south, 
in the interest of humanity and for the common weal of 
nations. He conceives that none of the governments of 
America can be less alive than our own to the dangers and 
horrors of a state of war, and especially of war between 
kinsmen. He is sure that none of the chiefs of govern- 
ments on the continent can be less sensitive than he is to 
the sacred duty of making every endeavor to do away with 
the chances of fratricidal strife. And he looks with hope- 
ful confidence to such active assistance from them as will 
serve to show the broadness of our common humanity and 
the strength of the ties which bind us all together as a 
great and harmonious system of American common- 
wealths. 

Impressed by these views, the President extends to all 
the independent countries of North and South America an 
earnest invitation to participate in a general congress, to 
be held in the city of Washington on the 24th day of No- 
vember, 1882, for the purpose of considering and discuss- 
ing the methods of preventing war between the nations of 
America. He desires that the attention of the congress 
shall be strictly confined to this one great object; that its 
sole aim shall be to seek a way of permanently averting 
the horrors of cruel and bloody combat between countries, 
oftenest of one blood and speech, or the even worse ca- 
lamity of internal commotion and civil strife; that it shall 
regard the burdensome and far-reaching consequences of 
such "struggles, the legacies of exhausted finances, of op- 
pressive debt, of onerous taxation, of ruined cities, of par- 
alyzed industries, of devastated fields, of ruthless conscrip- 
tion, of the slaughter of men, of the grief of the widow 
and the orphan, of embittered resentments, that long sur- 



257 

vive those who provoked them and heavily afflict the in- 
nocent generations that come after. 

The President is especially desirous to have it undersl ood 
that in putting forth this invitation the United States 
does not assume the position of counseling, or attempting, 
through the voice of the congress, to counsel any determin- 
ate solution of existing questions which may now divide 
any of the countries of America. Such questions can not 
properly come before the congress. Its mission is higher. 
It is to provide for the interests of all in the future, not to 
settle the individual differences of the present. For this 
reason especially the President has indicated a day for the 
assembling of the congress so far in the future as to leave 
good ground for hope that by the time named the present 
situation on the South Pacific coast will be happily ter- 
minated, and that those engaged in the contest may take 
peaceable part in the 'discussion and solution of the general 
question affecting in an equal degree the well-being of all. 
It seems also desirable to disclaim in advance any pur- 
pose on the part of the United States to prejudge the issues 
to be present I'd to the congress. It is far from the intern 
of this Government to appear before the c< ingress as in any 
sense the protector of its neighbors or the predestined and 
necessary arbitrator of their disputes. The United States 
will enter into the deliberations of the congress on the same 
footing as the other powers represented, and with the loyal 
determination to approach any proposed solution, not 
merely in its own interest or with a view to asserting its 
own power, but as a single member among many co-ordinate 
and co-equal States. So far as the influence of this Gov- 
ernment may be potential it will be exerted in the direc- 
tion of conciliating whatever conflicting interests of blood, 
or government, or historical tradition may necessarily come 
together in response to a call embracing such vast and di- 
verse elements. 

You will present these views to the minister of foreign 
relations of the * * * enlarging, if need be, in such 
terms as will readily occur to you. upon the great mission 
which it is within the power of the proposed congress to 
accomplish in the interest of humanity, and upon the firm 
563a— vol 4 17 



258 

purpose of the United States to maintain a position of the 
most absolute and impartial friendship towards all. You 
will thereupon, in the name of the President of the United 
States, tender to his His Excellency the President of 
* * * a formal invitation to send two commissioners to 
the congress, provided with such powers and instructions 
on behalf of their Government as will enable them to con- 
sider the questions brought before that body within the 
limit of submission contemplated by this invitation. The 
United States, as well as the other powers, will in like 
manner be represented by two commissioners, so that 
equality and impartiality will be amply secured in the pro- 
ceedings of the congress. 

In delivering this invitation through the minister of 
foreign affairs you will read this dispatch to him and 
leave with him a copy, intimating that an answer is de- 
sired by this Government as promptly as the just con- 
sideration of so important a proposition will permit. 
I am, etc., 

James G. Blaine. 

THE REPLY OF VENEZUELA. 

President Guzman Blanco to Minister Carter. 

Caracas, January 5, 1882. 
Esteemed Sir : The minister of foreign relations has 
acquainted me with the contents of your note in relation 
to the American Congress in Washington at the end of 
the present year. This idea is so transcendental, elevated, 
far-seeing, and practical that, although an official reply 
will be sent by this Government, I hasten personally to 
express, through you, my felicitations to the President 
and statesmen who direct the policy of North America. 
The future of South America may be looked upon as 
assured under the safeguard of the great Republic, which 
is at once our teacher and our model. 

Receive, Mr. Minister, with the gratitude, the assurances 
of the esteem of 

Your most obedient servant, 

Guzman Blanco, 
Hon. G. W. Carter. 



259 

Secretary Seijas to Minister Carter. 

Caracas, January 7. 1882. 

Set: I have the honor to inform your excellency that I 
have receive'l and submitted for the consideration of the 
President i >f the Republic the official communication from 
your legation of the 50th ultimo, in which you convey 
the information that the President of the United States 
of America has under consideration the formation and 
mblingof a Peace Congress, to be composed of all the 
independent States of Xorth and South America, to con- 
vene in Washington on the 22d of November, 1882, with 
the object of discussing and adopting practicable means, 
distinct from a recourse to arms, for the adjustment of 
controversies which may arise upon questions of boundaries 
or other causes ami >ng the independent political communi- 
ties of the Western hemisphere, or between different divis- 
ions or sections thereof, to the end that the misfortunes and 
grievous burdens of war may be averted. 

Your excellency refers for an explanation of the na- 
ture and objects of the proposed Congress to the letter of 
the most excellent Mr. Blaine. Secretary of State, a copy 
of which you inclose and which you had previously read 
to me. 

The moment that the illustrious American heard the con- 
tents of these communications read he regarded the idea 
expressed in them as grand and worthy of being accepted 
with enthusiasm by all the Spanish- American Republics, 
as being in the direct line of their aspirations and coinci- 
dent with that which inspired Bolivar to the formation of 
the Congress of Panama, so fervently commended by the 
President of the United States, Mr. John Quincy Adams. 

It is certainly an occasion of gratification that the first 
republic of the world, faithful to its noble antecedents. 
in view of the increasing disposition of these countries to 
seek in arbitration and not in force the solution of inter- 
national difficulties, and to regard it as their friend and 
mediator, after having, on various occasions, interposed its 
good offices and succeeded in prevent ing conflicts or putting 
an end to those already in existence, without any preten- 



260 

sions to a dictatorship and solely as a manifestation of com- 
mon friendship, moved solely by impulses of philanthropy 
and civilization, has taken the lead in a matter of so much 
importance to the other nations of the Western continent, 
and eagerly takes advantage of the great influence derived 
from its immense progress and power to terminate the 
horrible calamities of war between brothers, and deigns 
to preside over the deliberations of a Peace Congress, 
which has for its object the search for the means of ar- 
ranging future misunderstandings without an appeal to 
war and its fatal consequences. 

And their pleasure is increased by the contemplation of 
the fact that the United States are proceeding in a manner 
which respects the independence, the other attributes of 
sovereignty, and especially equality between themselves 
and the nations invited to compose the Congress, offering 
to bring to bear all their influence towards the conciliation 
of all opposing interests in the states which accept the 
invitation, of even assuming the expenses of the organiza- 
tion of the Congress, the interpretation and publication of 
its proceedings, etc. , as your excellency has informed me 
in an. official communication of a later date. 

A proposition so exalted carries within itself the assur- 
ance of its successful accomplishment by the Government 
which has undertaken it; hence, there is especial reason 
for the hope that on the present occasion there shall be no 
failure of the efforts dedicated to the suppression of war 
between the nations of the American continent. Should 
this be successful, the example will not be lost on the other 
hemisphere, and the world shall witness the disappearance 
of that scourge and the substitution for the consolation 
of humanity and as a manifest sign of progress, of prac- 
tices of love for the lives and property of men united in 
fraternal accord. 

It is proposed to put in execution the same thought 
which ruled the breast of every Venezuelan when, from the 
19th of April, 1819, they repeated the heroic and prophetic 
cry: "Long live Free America!" 

It is the far-seeing anticipation of the immortal Bolivar 
when in the midst of a war to the death he proclaimed it 



261 

to the Argentines and invited them to a fraternal embrace 
upon tlic summits of the Andes in the center of the conti- 
nent on the day of his last victory. 

It is the plan formulated by Bolivar as the consumma- 
tion of the work of independence, and for whose realization 
he convoked the Congress of Panama in 1825. 

And, finally, it is the luminous design with which other 
continental congresses have since convened, among them 
that of Lima in 1864, in which Venezuela participated. 

The President of the Republic, who has had occasion to 
appreciate the good-will and mediation of the United States 
in its favor, and who expects everything as the outcome 
of a solid and permanent peace between the nations of 
America, accepts with pleasure the invitation for the Peace 
Congress in Washington, and in due time will designate the 
two Commissioners to represent Venezuela, providing 
them with the necessary powers and- instructions. 

I renew to your excellency the assurances of my high 
consideration. 

Rafael Seijas. 
The Most Excellent Mr. Geo. W. Carter, 

Minister Resident of the United States of America. 



THE REPLY OF GUATEMALA. 

Secretary Cruz /<< Minister Logan. 

Department of 
Foreign Relations of Guatemala, 

Guatemala, January 12, 1882. 
Sir: I have had the honor to receive your excellency's 
communication, accompanied by a copy of tin.' highly im- 
portant dispatch recently transmitted by your excellency's 
Government inviting the independent governments of 
America to participate in a general peace congress, to be 
convened in the city of Washington, and which is to enter 
upon its labors on the day of November, 1882. 

I immediately laid before the President of the Republic 
your excellency's communication and the very notable dis- 



262 

patch to which it refers, and the purpose of which was to 
invite my Government to send two representatives to the 
congress to be held under the auspices of the Government 
of the United States of America, which has generously 
offered to defray the expenses and make the arrangements 
for the realization of that exalted and friendly project, 
leaving to the invited nations only the expenses of their 
own representatives. 

The President has welcomed this exalted idea with the 
greatest enthusiasm, and has received with profound and 
heartfelt satisfaction the invitation extended to my Gov- 
ernment. It could not be otherwise in view of his sincere 
and manifest consideration and deference for the great 
Republic, by whose friendship and cordial attitude he feels 
honored, and whose institutions and greatness he admires; 
it could not be otherwise in view of the probability that 
only under the auspices and through the initiative of so 
worthy and powerful a nation will peace be practically 
realized between the peoples of this beauteous continent, 
now so frequently distressed by inexplicable contests and 
wars, but who need only internal trancpiillity and union 
and cordial relations among themselves, to profit fully by 
the abundant elements of prosperity which they possess, 
and to fulfill the great destinies to which they are called. 

My Government therefore gladly undertakes to send 
to the congress, which will mark an epoch in history, two 
representatives, with full powers and instructions to dis- 
cuss and point out the best methods for preventing wars 
between the nations of America. It rejoices to learn that 
the United States are about to add to the long catalogue 
of glories which constitute their history the incomparable 
glory of converting into a reality what until now has been 
deemed only the most beauteous dream of philanthropy 
and the greatest but almost impossible aspiration of hu- 
manity. 

Your excellency will permit my Government to commu- 
nicate, through you, to the Government of the American 
Union the most cordial felicitations and earnest thanks. 
The first step has been taken; the movement has been in- 
itiated, and it can not be doubted that it will be carried to 



263 

a successful termination, led as it is by the nation which 
never retreats from its purposes, but, on the contrary, 
pushes them forward with resolution and enthusiasm, s< i as 
to astonish the other nations which wonder at its energy 
and vigor. 

I avail myself of so welcome an occasion again to assure 
your excellency that I am, with the most distinguished 
consideration and esteem, 

Your very faithful and attentive servant. 

Fernando Cruz. 
His Excellency Mr. Cornelius A. Logan, etc., present. 



THE REPLY OF BRAZIL. 

Secretary De Sa to Minister Osborn. 

Department of Foreign Affairs, 

Eio de Janeiro, February 8, 1882. 

I have had the honor to receive the note which Mr. 
Thomas A. Osborn, envoy extraordinary and minister pleni- 
potentiary of the United States of America, was pleased 
to address me on the 3d instant, repeating the invitation 
which in our interview of that day he extended in the 
name of the President of the United States that Brazil 
send two commissioners to the congress to be opened in 
Washington on November 23d, to consider and discuss the 
means to prevent war between the nations of America. 

In answer to that note I have the honor to communicate 
to Mr. Osborn that his Majesty the Emperor, by agreement 
with his ministers, has resolved to accept said invitation, 
and that accordingly Brazil will be represented in the pro- 
posed congress, in conformity with the terms of the dispatch 
of the American Government of which the honorable min- 
ister had the goodness to leave me a copy. 

I avail myself with the pleasure of this opportunity to 
reiterate to Mr. Osborn the assurances of my high consid- 
eration. 

F. Franco de Sa. 

Mr. Thomas A. Osborn, etc. 



264 



THE REPLY OF SALVADOR. 

Secretary Gallegos to Minister Logan. 

Department of Foreign Affairs of Salvador, 
San Salvador, February 13, 1882. 

Sir: I have had the honor to receive your excellency's 
courteous dispatch dated January 4 last, and with it a copy 
of the notahle and important circular which the Cabinet 
at Washington has addressed, under date of November 19 
of the year last past, to the Governments of the American 
continent, inviting them to send plenipotentiaries to a 
congress which is to assemble in that capital on the 22d 
day of November of the present year, and which will en- 
deavor to discover means for preventing wars between 
the nations of the New World. 

The President of the Republic has carefully studied the 
important considerations which have suggested to the 
American Government that grand and humane idea, as 
also the exalted views which it entertains'as to the matters 
to be submitted to the deliberations of the congress; and 
recognizing in both that spirit of fraternity and american- 
ism characterizing the principal tendencies of the nations 
of this continent, in harmony with their noblest and most 
positive interests, he (the President) could not but welcome 
with enthusiasm the generous views of the American Gov- 
ernment,' whose leadership in a work of civilization and 
peace destined to exalt the good name and assure the 
progress of these Republics, he congratulates. 

My Government, then, accepts at once the invitation ex- 
tended to it by that of your excellency; and, in compliance 
with its wishes, proposes to send, on the- occasion men- 
tioned, the two plenipotentiaries who are to represent it, 
with appropriate instructions. 

In the meantime I take pleasure in reiterating to your 
excellency the assurances of distinguished consideration 
witli which I have the honor to subscribe myself, 
your most attentive servant, 

Salvador Gallegos. 

Hon. Cornelius A. Logan, 

Minister Resident of the United States in Central 
Ami rica, Guatemala. 



265 

THE RErLY OF NICARAGUA. 

Secretary Medina to Minister Logan. 

Managua, February 14, 1882. 

Sir: Your polite communication dated the 4th of Jan- 
uary last, inclosing a copy of a dispatch which your ex- 
cellency had received from the Department of State, con- 
veying instructions to invite all the States of Central 
America, in the name of your Government, to send two 
special commissioners to the general Peace Congress pro- 
posed to he held in Washington during t lie month of No- 
vember next, has been received. 

Without time to properly respond to (his important 
communication, and applauding the philanthropic pur- 
poses your excellency's Government has in view, I restrict 
myself at this time to informing you that the Government 
of this Republic will take the matter under serious con- 
sideration, and that in due time I shall have the honor to 
communicate to you the resolution which may be adopted. 

It affords me much pleasure to renew to your excel- 
lency the assurances of my distinguished consideration. 

F. J. Medina. 

Hon. Cornelius A. Logan. 

Minister of tht United States m Nicaragua. 



THE REPLY OP HONDURAS. 

Secretary Rosa to Minister Logan. 

Ministry op Foreign Relations, 

Tegucigalpa, February 20, L882. 
Mr. Minister: I have received the communication of 
your excellency of the 4th of January last, and with it the 
important dispatch of his excellency the Minister of State 
of the United States of America, invitingmy Government, 
through your excellency, to be present, by means of two 
commissioners, at the Peace Congress to be assembled in 
Washington on the 22d of November of the current year. 
I have referred the contents of the aforesaid documents, 
soworthy of high appreciation, to His Excellency the Presi- 



266 

dent of this Republic, who has instructed me to say to your 
excellency that the Government over which he presides 
fully reciprocates the noble sentiments and elevated aspira- 
tions which the dispatch of his excellency the Minister of 
State of the United States contains ; that it accepts with 
much pleasure the cordial and noble invitation addressed 
to it through your excellency, and that in due time he will 
appoint two commissioners, with ample instructions, to 
attend the great Peace Congress which, it is to be hoped, 
for the welfare of Latin America and the honor of the 
United States, will settle questions of the greatest interest 
to the future of the nations of the American continent. 

I regret that your excellency has not been able, by reason 
of ill health, to visit this capital, where my Government 
would have been pleased to hear your opinions and re- 
marks on this important affair. But this regret is in part 
compensated by the pleasure I have in congratulating you 
for the lofty sentiments expressed in your communication. 

You excellency will be pleased to communicate the terms 
of this dispatch to his excellency the Minister of State of 
the United States, and receive the assurance of my dis- 
tinguished consideration. 

Your very attentive servant, 

Ramon Rosa. 

His Excellency Cornelius A. Logan, 

Minister Resident of the United States in 

Central America, Guatemala. 



THE REPLY OF BOLIVIA. 

Secretary Zilocti to Minister Adams. 

Ministry of Foreign Relations of Bolivia, 

La Paz, February 2'4, 1882. 
Sir: On the 18th instant I had the honor to receive 
your excellency's note of the 16th, with which you were 
kind enough to transmit a copy of a dispatch from the 
Department of State of the United States to the le- 
gation which your excellency so worthily occupies, in- 
tended to invite the Government of Boliviato an American 



267 

Congress which shall meet at Washington on the 22d of 
November of this year. In pursuance thereof, your excel- 
lency has been pleased to invite my Government officially 
to send its representatives to said Congress, called to delib- 
erate upon matters affecting the future peace and pr< ispi srity 
of all the nations of the continent. 

This very important dispatch will be brought to the 
knowledge of my Government, and I am sure it will be 
appreciated as it deserves, because of the high ends the 
congress has in view in behalf of America and the sta- 
bility of its governments, and because of the high pur- 
poses with which the most excellent Government of the 
United States initiates said Congress. 

It will be very agreeable to me to transmit to your 
excellency the reply of the Government of Bolivia. 

Meanwhile, expressing my acknowledgment of your 
excellency's kind attention, I beg to remain with con- 
sideration and respect. 

Your attentive and obedient servant, 

P. Jose Zilocti. 

His Excellency Mr. Charles Adams, 

Minister Resident of the United States. 



THE REPLY TO COSTA RICA. 

Secretary ('astro to Minister Logan. 

Department of Foreign Relations, 
National Palacfi, San Jose. February 25, 1882. 

Sir: The very courteous and lucid communication of 
your excellency, dated 4th of January last, has reached 
my hand, accompanied with an authenticated copy of the 
important dispatch which was addressed to your excel- 
lency the 20th of November last by his excellency 
James G. Blaine, Secretary of State in the Cabinet of 
Washington. 

The dispatch alluded to endeavors to show the in- 
creased advantage that would accrue if all the independ- 
ent countries of North and South America should lake 



268 

part in a general Congress, to meet on the 22d of No- 
vember of the present year in the city of Washington, 
and whose principal object will be to consider and discuss 
means to prevent war between the American nations. To 
that end, and carrying into effect the lofty aims of the 
President of the United States in this regard, he invites, 
in the same dispatch, and also through your excellency, 
His Excellency the President of this Republic to send two 
commissioners to the said Congress, provided with the 
necessary powers and instructions, to take into considera- 
tion the questions which might be submitted to said Con- 
gress, within the scope of the invitation. 

The President of Costa Rica, to whose knowledge I 
brought the note of your excellency and the copy of the 
dispatch referred to, has long recognized the necessity of 
the measure which the President of the United States now 
suggests and the considerable advantage the Americans 
will derive from it, as is evidenced by the multitude of 
documents emanating from the Cabinet of Costa Rica, and 
the recent punctuality with which the President of this 
Government sent its representatives to an American Con- 
gress, which was agreed to convene in Panama the 1st of 
December of the year just past. With the same spirit he 
may enter upon the consideration of the newly proposed 
Congress and give a definite reply; but he deems it pru- 
dent to wait until he ascertains if the Government of the 
United States persists in its project of an American Inter- 
national Congress since future events, such as the declina- 
tion of the invitation by the Government of Colombia, 
may cause it to change its mind. 

The Government of the United States will understand, 
without doubt, the justice of the stand taken by Costa 
Rica, and here with this occasion I reiterate the assurance 
of my appreciation and distinguished consideration. 

Jose Ma. Castro. 

Hon. Cornelius A. Logan, etc. 



269 

THE REPLY <>V MEXICO. 

Secretary Mariscal to MinisU r Morgan. 

Department of Foreign Relations, 

Mexico, March 23, 1882. 

Mr. Minister: I have the honor to reply to your 
excellency's note, of December 15 last, by which, referring 
to our interview of the same date, and to the important 
despatch addressed to yon from Washington on Novem- 
ber 29th by the Hon. Secretary of State, of which docu- 
ment you were pleased to leave me a copy, you extended, 
in the name of the Government of the United States of 
America to the President of the United States of Mexico 
an invitation to send two commissioners to a general con- 
gress of all the independent countries of North and South 
America, which is to assemble in Washington on Novem- 
ber 21th, lss-.». for the purpose of examining and discussing 
means to prevent war between the American nations, such 
commissioners to have the powers and instructions neces- 
sary to the fulfillment of their mission. 

The end which your excellency's Government has in 
view in extending this invitation deserves the sincerest 
approbation and applause of the Governments to which 
the invitation is addressed. To avoid the evils of war, 
which the honorable Mr. Blaine eloquently describes in a 
few words, is without doubt the noblest of aspirations, 
that which is most important to the moral and matt-rial 
progress of the nations; that which is fraught with the 
grandesl consequences for humanity. This project, so 
interesting that it recommends itself to the nations of the 
globe, acquires double importance when suggested to na- 
tions which, like those of the New World, are united to 
one another, be it by ties of blood, by common political 
institutions, or at least by the peculiar position in which 
they all alike stand toward the nations of the Old World. 
Certain it is that no American Government can. or at least 
.should, feel less impressed than that of your excellency 
by the dangers and horrors of war. especially when waged 
bysister nations ; and certain also is it that no chief mag- 
istrate in the continent of Columbus can be less sensible 



270 

than the President of the United States of the necessity 
of putting an end to those fratricidal struggles. The one 
difficulty, if any, which will present itself will be as to 
the practical means by which we may attain an end which 
is at once justly applauded and universally desired. 

The attitude assumed by the Washington Government 
in this humane enterprise is worthy of the praise of the 
entire world and the most favorable consideration on the 
part of the nations concerned. Your excellency's Gov- 
ernment deserves especial praise for its respect for the 
Law, which makes no distinction between the feeble and 
the strong, when it protests that it does not pretend to 
dictate or coerce in this matter, but only to manifest the 
good will, the disinterested solicitude of a friend. In the 
very act of protesting against force, of promoting its ab- 
solute proscription among the American nations, that one 
of those nations which has undertaken this generous pro- 
paganda (though she is the most disinterested, inasmuch 
as her greater resources make war less dangerous to her) 
clearly could not take advantage of her position as the 
principal power of the New World to impose by her au- 
thority the methods of putting an end to discord among 
her neighbors, but could only appeal, as she does, to 
friendly persuasion, by way of leading them to a volun- 
tary agreement, the only source of rights and of obliga- 
tions for sovereign communities. 

Since 1853 that Government has been engaged in this 
glorious undertaking, in consequence, as I understand, of 
a recommendation from the Senate to the President that, 
whenever it should prove possible, there should be inserted 
in treaties made an article looking to the submission of 
the difficulties arising between the contracting parties to 
the decision of arbitrators chosen by common consent; 
and even before that date, in 1848, a similar clause had 
been inserted, with prudent limitations, in 'the treaty of 
peace concluded that year by our two nations. It is thus 
not strange that the United States should now recommend 
the same idea to all the States of America in general, nor 
is it strange that Mexico should be found disposed to 
adopt it. 



271 

Tin- Mexican Government, whicti was sorry not to be 
able to accept Colombia's invitation to participate, through 
its representatives, in a congress which was to assemble in 
Panama for the purpose of signing a treaty similar to that 
which Colombia had concluded with Chili, binding them- 
selves in perpetuity to submit to arbitration all the ques- 
tions which might arise between thesignatory powers; thai 
Government, which, while admiring and applauding the 
aims of such a negotiation, could not think that the terms 
in which they were then embodied were compatible with 
the just and legitimate interests which it is bound to de- 
fend, has now the satisfaction to find that in the project 
for an American Peace Congress, proposed by your excel- 
lency's Government, the serious difficulties which pre- 
vented it from participating in the one proposed by Co- 
lombia have been obviated. 

It appears that in the congress now proposed representa- 
tion is to be accorded to all of the nations of America, 
without excluding any, either because of the peculiarity 
of its form of government, or on account of its superiority 
in the possession of the elements of power; and that all 
are to assume the same obligations, upon a footing of per- 
fect equality. This circumstance imparts to the present 
project a practical importance which, from the point of 
view of this Republic, was lacking in the earlier one. 
Furthermore, no specification is made in the project of the 
United States of the means to be adopted for preventing 
war, nor is any particular draft of the proposed convention 
suggested for adoption. Complete liberty is thus left to 
the parties in interest to discuss and agree upon these 
points, and to designate, if arbitration should be adopted, 
the cases in which it can be resorted to, and those in which 
resort to it is deemed impracticable. It is intended, too, 
that the commissioners shall meet at a time when quest i< >ns 
which are now pending (and in reference to which interests 
may have come into existence, which would have to be 
respected) will have been decided, or shall have wholly 
disappeared. 

The Mexican Government, then, does not encounter on 
this occasion the difficulties winch before repelled it, and 



272 

it deems it compatible with the national interests to send 
its representatives to an assembly which is to discuss the 
methods of insuring peace in the American continent. 
For these reasons the President of this Republic accepts 
with pleasure the invitation which, through your excel- 
lency, has been addressed to him by the President of the 
United States of America, to send two representatives to 
the International American Congress which is to meet in 
Washington on the 24th of November next. 

I take pleasure in communicating this to your excel- 
lency, reiterating in this connection, the assurances of my 
exalted consideration. 

Ignacio Mariscal. 

His Excellency Philip H. Morgan, etc. 



Note. — Owing to the international complications in 
South America the proposed Congress of 1882 was post- 
poned, and the following communication to that effect 
was sent to the several Governments which had been in- 
vited: 

[Circular letter.] 

Mr. Frelingliuysen to Mr. Osbom. 

Department of State, 

Washington. August 9, 1S82. 
Sir: The President, through the medium of your lega- 
tion, in November last, extended to the Government of 

* * * an invitation to be represented at a Congress of 
American States, which it was proposed to hold in Wash- 
ington on the 22d day of November next, for the purpose 
of considering questions connected with the preservation of 
peace on the American continent, and it is presumed that 
you have, in compliance with the Department's instruc- 
tions, communicated the invitation to the Government of 

# # * 

At the time that proposal was put forth the President 
expressed the fervent hope that by the date fixed for the 
meeting of the Congress the questions now dividing some 



273 

of the republics of the southern continent would have dis- 
appeared, and that the representatives of the several com- 
monwealths could meet with freedom to discuss the future 
aspects of the question, unaffected by any existing nati< mal 
difficulties. 

The President, however, now directs me to instruct you 
to inform the Government of * * * that inasmuch as 
that peaceful condition of the South American Republics, 
which was contemplated as essential to a profitable and 
harmonious assembling of the Congress, does not exist, and 
he having besides on the 18th day of April, 1882, sub- 
mitted the proposition to Congress without evoking an ex- 
pression of its views on the subject, and no provision hav- 
ing been made by it for such a Congress, he is constrained 
to postpone the projected meeting until some future day. 

While thus giving due notification to the friendly gov- 
ernments interested, the President can not but express his 
belief that the fact of such a Congress having been called 
has not been without benefit, it having directed the atten- 
tion of the people of the United States, as well as of the 
Republics of South America, to the importance of having 
a more defined policy, to be satisfactory to all, governing 
the international relations of the republics. 

You will communicate this dispatch to the minister for 
foreign relations of * * * at an early day by reading 
it to him, and, if he shall so desire, leaving with him a 
copy of it. 

I am, etc., 

Fred'k. T. Frelinghuysen. 

To the foregoing communication Guatemala, Ecuador, 
Salvador, Uruguay, and Paraguay replied as follows: 

Guatemala. 

New York, 17 West Forty-second Street, 

Legation of Guatemala, June 5, 1882. 
To the Honorable Secretary : 

The invitation to a Peace Congress, issued by the Gov- 
ernment of the United States in November of the year 
563a— vol 4 18 



274 

last past, was received with enthusiasm by the Govern- 
ment of Guatemala. 

The message of President Arthur to the Congress of 
the United States upon the same subject gave rise to a 
fear that the beautiful conception of a Peace Congress 
was not to be realized. 

It is not incumbent upon me to consider the objections 
which have been urged against such a Congress, save only 
in so far as those objections have reference to my country. 

Guatemala, Honduras, and Salvador are to-day bound 
together by the ties of the sincerest friendship. This 
friendship extends to Nicaragua, while as to Costa Rica 
nothing exists which can prove an obstacle to the Peace 
Congress. 

I pray your excellency to be pleased to send a copy of 
this note to the Congress of the United States, so that it 
may be had in mind when the Peace Congress shall be dis- 
cussed. 

I am your excellency's most attentive and respectful 

servant, 

Lorenzo Montufar. 

His Excellency the Secretary of State, 

F. T. Frelinghuysen. 



Ecuador. 

Ministry of Foreign Relations of Ecuador, 

Quito, September 15, 1882. 

Mr. Minister : Having had the honor to receive the 
note which, under date of December 1, the Hon. James 
G. Blaine, Secretary of State in the Department of For- 
eign Relations of the Government of the United States of 
America, was pleased to send me, inviting the Govern- 
ment of Ecuador to send representatives to the American 
Congress which it was desired to convene in Washington 
on the 22d of November, 1882, I was instructed by the 
President of this Republic to accept the invitation, and I 
replied to the note, under date of March 18 of the present 
year, stating that my Government would at the proper 
time send two representatives to the Congress, 



275 

To-day I have again been honored by the receipt of the 
important note which, under date of August 9 last, your 
excellency has been pleased to address to me, stating that 
it has been decided to postpone the assembly to a future 
day, because peace in the South American Continent — 
that essential condition to the holding of the Congress — 
has not yet been re-established, and because the American 
Legislature has closed its sessions without taking action 
upon the President's message as to said Congress. 

My Government, grateful for the invitation sent to it 
to participate through its representatives, as also for the 
courtesy with which your excellency's Government has 
been pleased to communicate the postponement recently 
decided on, for the reasons mentioned in the said note, has 
directed me to inform your excellency that, there being 
such good reasons for the delay in the meeting of the Con- 
gress, it accepts the postponement without comment. 

I take advantage of this opportunity to reiterate to your 
excellency the assurances of the distinguished considera- 
tion with which I subscribe myself your excellency's at- 
tentive and obedient servant, 

Francisco Arias. 

His Excellency the Minister of Foreign 

Affairs of the United States of America, 

Washington. 

Salvador. 

Department of Foreign Relations, 
Republic of Salvador, 
San Salvador, October 3, 1882. 
Mr. Minister: I have had the honor to receive in due 
time your excellency's polite communication, dated Sep- 
tember 9 last, inclosing a copy of a note addressed to your 
excellency by the Secretary of State at Washington, the 
purpose of both papers being to inform this Government 
that, inasmuch as there remain still unsettled the differ- 
ences between certain of the Republics of South America, 
whose pacification is deemed an essential condition to the 
assembling of the International Congress convoked for the 
month of November next, the American Government has 



276' 

decided to postpone indefinitely the meeting of such con- 
gress, at which it hopes that this Republic will still be 
represented when the time comes. 

It is much to be regretted that the questions on the Pa- 
cific have not yet been settled in a way which should har- 
monize the interests of the Republics concerned therein, 
and that in addition to this there should exist those other 
reasons which the foreign Secretary of the American Gov- 
ernment so correctly sets forth, for postponing to a more 
distant date the meeting of the Congress, thus delaying 
the discussion of very important questions, the settlement 
of which would better define American international law, 
and at the same time exert the most beneficent and trans- 
cendent influence in promotion of the tranquillity and 
progress of the nations of the continent. 

The hope nevertheless remains that so beneficent an 
idea has not been abandoned, and that later, when the ex- 
ceptional conditions through which several sister Republics 
are now passing shall have changed for the better, it may 
prove possible to realize in practice with enthusiasm and 
success this grand idea. 

The Government of Salvador, which was one of the first 
to applaud and accept the invitation which on the 4th of 
January last was addressed to it by your excellency for 
the purpose mentioned, will certainly not be the last to 
appear at "Washington through its representatives when 
the time shall come to carry out the plan; and in commu- 
nicating to your excellency the favorable attitude which 
my Government maintains toward the project stated it 
gives me pleasure to reiterate the assurances of the distin- 
guished consideration with which I am 

Your excellency's attentive and faithful servant, 

Salvador Gallegos. 

His Excellency Mr. Henry C. Hall, etc. . 



Uruguay. 
Montevideo, October 12, 1882. 
Mr. Charge d'affaires: I have brought to the knowl- 
edge of his Excellency the President of the Republic the 



277 

note addressed to you by the Secretary for Foreign Affairs 
of North America, and of which you were good enough to 
leave an authenticated copy in this department, with 
reference to the postponement of the Congress which was 
to have met in Washington on the 22d of November of the 
present year, for the purpose of discussing questions con- 
nected with the maintenance of peace in the American 
continents. 

As soon as he was informed of the felicitous idea of your 
Government of bringing about a reunion of the plenipo- 
tentiaries of the nations of America, with aims so exalted 
and attractive, the President of the Republic welcomed it 
with joy. and at once accepted with pleasure the invitation 
extended to him to participate in the proposed Congress, 
so informing your predecessor, General Caldwell. 

Believing and trusting, as he does, that the results of 
that Congress can not but prove exceedingly efficacious in 
the maintenance of peace in the countries of America, 
thus promoting their progress and welfare, the President 
of the Republic directs me to request that you be so good 
as to communicate these sentiments to your Government, 
with the hope that, perhaps soon, it may be possible to 
realize the noble aims of the North American Govern- 
ment, which has known how to interpret faithfully those 
of the nations which have been invited to send representa- 
tives to the Congress. 

Having thus carried out the directions of his Excellency 
.the President of the Republic. I have the honor to reiter- 
ate to you the assurances of my distinguished consideration. 

Oscar Hordenana. 
Hon. William Williams, 

Charge d' Affaires of the United States of America. 



Paraguay. 

Asuncion, October 17, 1882. 
Mr. Charge de Affaires: I have had the honor to re- 
ceive your polite note of the 4th of this month, with which 
you had the kindness to send me the cony of the communi- 



278 

cation to which the honorable Secretary of State for the 
United States had sent to the legation of which you have 
charge, referring to the reunion of the Congress of Ameri- 
can States, which was to have assembled on the 22d of 
next November. I have complied with the grateful duty 
of bringing the said communication to the knowledge of 
this Government, which has taken notice of the motives 
which have determined the Government of the United 
States to postpone the projected reunion until new notice. 
In thanking you for the attention it is an honor to me 
to renew the assurances of my most distinguished con- 
sideration. 

Jose S. Decoud. 

His Excellency William Williams, 

Charge de Affaires for the United 

States of America, Montevideo. 



THE SOUTH AMERICAN CONGRESS 

AT 

MONTEVIDEO. 



1888 — 1 889. 



THE SOUTH AMERICAN CONGRESS AT MONTEVIDEO. 



1888-1889. 



The " South American Congress,*' which held its sessions 
at Montevideo from August 25, 1888, toFebi-uary 18, 1889, 
was not properly a movement towards political or com- 
mercial unification of all the nations of America. It was 
merely a congress of jurists, and by its nature and for all 
purposes and effects exclusively South American. But it 
must be mentioned, nevertheless, in this place, not only 
because it was an important exponent of the civilization 
of the States of the southern portion of this continent, but 
also because it was an advanced step towards the satisfac- 
tion of a necessity deeply felt in America.* 

* On the 9th of December, 1877, the anniversary of the battle of 
Ayacucho, which put an end to the Spanish rule in South America, 
another Congress of Jurists had met at Lima, Peru, at the invitation of 
the Peruvian Government. As it appears from a note of the De, art- 
ment of Foreign Relations of that Republic, dated May 21, 1878, that 
Congress was attended by plenipotentiaries from Bolivia, Cuba (whose 
independence had been recognized by Peru), Chili, Ecuador. Honduras, 
Peru, the Argentine Republic, and Venezuela. Later on Costa Rica 
sent a representative, and still later Guatemala and Uruguay adhered 
to the conclusions reached. 

The meetings which were held by that assembly of distinguished men 
of law were many and had the following result: 

1. A treaty for the establishment of uniform rules in the matter of 
private international law, dated November 9, 1878. 

2. A treaty of extradition, dated March 27, 1879. 

Both documents appear as an Appendix to the report sent to the 
Peruvian Congress in 1879 by the Secretary of Foreign Relations of that 
Republic. The report of 1878 contains also interesting details about the 
inauguration of this Congress of Jurists. 

281 



282 

If extradition treaties are entered into without difficulty 
between the different States, the decisions of foreign courts 
in criminal matters, oven if not final, being thereby caused 
to be respected, so far at least as the arrest of the offender 
and his delivery to the court of original jurisdiction are 
concerned, no argument seems to be necessary to prove 
that the same thing must be done in civil matters, and that 
the interests and rights of great moment often involved 
in judicial acts of one country should also be caused to be 
respected and enforced in others. 

Some nations have secured the satisfaction of this neces- 
sity by means of treaties, as it has happened, for instance, 
between Colombia and Spain. But certainly it is better, 
if practicable, to try to reach this result by collective 
action in a conference of many, if not all, the nationc in- 
terested in securing it, even if no other reason could be 
given than the benefit which always is derived from inter- 
national meetings, when undei taken and conducted under 
the inspirations of common friendship and good will. 

The idea of causing the South American Congress to 
convene seems to have occurred simultaneously to the 
Governments of the Argentine Republic and of the Orien- 
tal Republic of Uruguay. So it appears from the follow- 
ing interesting document: 

PROTOCOL PROVIDING FOR THE HOLDING OP THE CONGRESS. 

In Buenos Ayres, on the fourteenth day of the month of February, 
of eighteen hundred and eighty-eight, the minister of foreign relations 
of the Argentine Republic, Doctor Don Norberto Quirno Costa, and his 
excellency the envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of 
the Oriental Republic of Uruguay, Doctor Don Gonzalo Ramirez, being 
met in the office of the former for the purpose of carrying into immedi- 
ate realization the idea in which their respective Governments have 
coincided, of calling together a congress of jurisconsults of the several 
nations of South America to make uniform, by means of a treaty, the 
several subjects embraced by private international law, recognizing the 
want of unity existing in the legislation of the several countries, and 
persuaded of the importance of removing the obstacles that in many 
cases that difference presents, all of which will disappear from the 
moment a uniform legislation shall facilitate civil relations between 
individuals, or a common law is established to adjust differences in 
case of inability to prevent them, both conferees agreed as follows: 



283 

First. The Argentine and Oriental Governments shall invite sepa- 
rately, but simultaneously, the Governments of Chili, Brazil, Peru, 
Bolivia, Ecuador, Colombia, Venezuela, and Paraguay to the meeting 
( >f an International South American Law Congress, whose object shall be 
the conclusion of a treaty embracing the subjects embodied in private 
international law. 

Second. The Congress shall meet in the city of Montevideo, its open- 
ing taking place on the 25th of August next. 

Third. Each of the governments adhering to the holding of the Con- 
gress shall be represented therein by two plenipotentiaries or delegates. 

Fourth. The Argentine and Oriental Governments shall mutually 
agree as to the terms of the note of invitation to the other South Amer- 
ican Governments, which shall be addressed to them in the early part 
of the month of March next, in order that they may have time sufficient 
to be represented in the < longress on the day set for its installation. 

It was so agreed, the Conference terminated, this protocol being 
signed in duplicate for purposes of record and other effects. 

N. Quirno Costa, 
Gonzalo Ramirez. 

Department of Foreign Relations, 

Buenos Ayres, 20 February, 1888. 
Approved: 

Juarez Celman, 
N. Quirno Costa. 

Seven nations were represented in this Congress by the 
following plenipotentiaries: 

The Argentine Republic by Doctor Don Roque Sat'ir/. 
Pena and Doctor Don Manuel Quintana. 

Bolivia by Doctor Don Santiago Vaca Guzman. 

Brazil by Doctor Don Domingo de Andrade Figueira. 

Cliili by Don Guillermo Mata and Don Belisario Prats. 

Paraguay by Doctor Don Benjamin Aceval and Doctor 
Don Jose Z. Caminos. 

Peru by Doctor Don Cesareo Chacaltana and Doctor Don 
Manuel Maria Galvez. 

And the Oriental Republic of Uruguay by Doctor Don 
Udefonso Garcia Lagos and Doctor Don Gonzalo Ramirez. 

Doctor Don Udefonso Garcia Lagos and Doctor Don 
Roque Saenz Pena were elected, respectively, the former 
president and the latter vice-president of the Congress. 

The secreteries were Don Ricardo I. Pardo and Don 
Oscar Hordeiiana, chief clerks, respectively, the former of 



284 

the department of foreign relations of the Argentine Re- 
public, and the latter of the same department of the Ori- 
ental Republic of Uruguay. 

This Congress held thirty-five meetings, with the follow- 
ing result: 

1. A treaty on international civil law. 

2. A treaty on international commercial law. 

3. A treaty on international penal law. 

4. A treaty on international law of procedure. 

5. A treaty on literary and artistic property. 

6. A treaty on trade-marks. 

7. A treaty on patents. 

8. A convention on the practice of the liberal professions. 

9. A protocol, containing provisions of a general char- 
acter additional to the foregoing instruments. 

Some of these treaties have been subsequently approved 
and ratified by the South American nations, and are the 
law of the land in the countries which have so approved 
them. Other nations, as, for instance, Chili, has rejected 
one (the treaty on international civil law) and accepted the 
others; and in other nations they are still under study. 

The following speeches with which the Congress was 
closed will certainly be read with interest. 

Doctor Garcia Lagos, President of the Congress, ex- 
pressed himself as follows: 

Gentlemen, on a day memorable in the annals of my country, and 
in the midst of sympathetic demonstrations toward you as eloquent 
as they were haimonious, I inaugurated six months since the sessions of 
this Congress, greeting you as the molders of American law and fra- 
ternity. 

A generous and grand idea inspired us. But one thought animated 
us, the success of the task before us, yet we did not conceal a certain 
f eeling of trepidation at the contemplation of the arduousness of an 
undertaking in which others had failed 

Mutual helpfulness having given heart to our faith, and the goal 
having been reached, I have to-day the honor to address you for the last 
time to congratulate you in the name of the President of the Republic 
for the notable success which has crowned the labors of this Congress 
of plenipotentiaries, presenting, as it has, to the several Governments a 
series of treaties which form a veritable code of private international 
law, the most complete, systematic, and practical recorded in diplo- 
matic annals. 



285 

And in saying this, gentlemen, there is not any arrogant exaggera- 
tion; for we recognize— and we recognize it willingly— that in the prep- 
aration of that task we have consulted the works of the most emi- 
nent jurists and thinkers of modern times, and also that it has been 
comparatively easy for us to arrive at proper conclusions upon points 
which appear as veritable problems in the international jurisprudence 
of other countries whose political and social conditions differ from 
those of the nations represented in this Congress. 

In tl lis way. keeping those precedents in view, or disregarding them 
at times to accept other principles more in keeping with, or better 
adapted to, the peculiar character or necessities of our countries, the 
Congress has succeeded in establishing fixed rules for the settlement of 
the differences arising from the conflict of the laws regarding private 
relations in civil life as well as in commercial interchange and maritime 
traffic. It has succeeded in reconciling the demands of justice with 
the right of personal liberty. It has laid down the recognition of the 
right to literary, artistic, and industrial property within the limits 
marked out by social interest; it has prescribed reciprocal privileges for 
the exercise of the liberal professions; and it has determined, in fine, 
the jurisdiction overall legal relations affecting persons, acts, and prop- 
erty, as well as the special rules to be followed in the conduct and 
decision of proceedings, the principle of the territoriality of the laws, 
which means mutual respect for the sovereignty of the states, prevail- 
ing and being confirmed in all the wide range covered by its provis- 
ions. 

Gentlemen, you have brought your mission to a close, and what is 
still more, you have discharged it with a wisdom and liberal and pro- 
gressive spirit worthy of America. So signal a service rendered in be- 
half of the development of their international relations and the science 
of law is already applauded by the countries on either bank of the 
Plata, represented on this auspicious occasion by the high magistrates 
presiding over them, and it will be applauded on the morrow in your 
countries as one of the acts which more faithfully marks the stage of 
your political progress and your social cultmv. 

Let us express the fervent hope that this work shall become still 
more profitable, and that, leaping the boundaries of our continent, it 
may very soon obtain the adhesion of other states of Europe and 
America, thus daily strengthening more, through the certainty and 
stability of all laws, the well-being of their citizens who may come to 
live on our soil, under the protection of its institutions. 

Before we, who have up to to-day participated in the same fatigues, 
shall separate, permit me, my hand grasping yours, to congratulate 
you sincerely and feelingly for the success achieved, and to assure you 
that the honerable President of the Republic will in a short time carry 
out the announcement made in his last message to the honorable Con- 
gress relative to the sanction of the treaties. 

And now, tendering a respectful greeting to the illustrious Presidents 



. 286 

of the Republics of the Plata who organized this Congress, as well as to 
the other chiefs of state who have given it their effective co-operation, I 
declare the sessions closed. 

His excellency Dr. Quirno Costa, Secretary of Foreign 
Affairs of the Argentine Republic, followed, pronouncing 
the following discourse: 

Honorable plenipotentiaries, it becomes my pleasant duty to extend 
to you the congratulations of the Argentine Government for the happy 
outcome of your labors, which will so largely contribute to the closer 
binding of the South American countries, uniting them still more 
through the. enactment of a common legislation touching the principles 
which have been the object of your deliberations. 

The fruit of your labors has been eight international compacts, and if 
opinions have not harmonized on all of them, still the fraternal and 
patriotic spirit which has inspired each one of the members of the Con- 
gress must be recognized; it being left to the Governments to seek in 
time the solutions which shall best subserve the common interests by 
reaching an agreement upon questions of form, or upon matters of 
substance, in so far as shall be in keeping with the constitutional law 
of the several countries. 

In the vast programme of your work you have had scope enough to 
embrace in their varied phases the most complicated problems of 
private international law, considering it in its broadest sense, as it is 
considered by noted writers, and as demanded by the progress of science 
which tends to expand its component parts, thus obeying modem ad- 
vancement which develops it in the same ratio as the relations between 
nations grow more intimate and communication more frequent. 

You have established the rales most in keeping with the principles of 
law. making laws respecting persons, things, and acts, and with this 
triple object in view, the treaties negotiated embrace matters civil, 
commercial, and penal, the programme of your labors being completed 
by the most advanced declarations relative to literary property, which, 
like property in other things, could not be disregarded in view of our 
constitutional laws, and by Governments who maintain such extensive 
relations with the Old World, which not only sends us capital and 
muscle, but also the literary and scientific works of its great thinkers. 

No nation can consider itself wounded by the conclusions arrived at 
by the International South American Congress, and far from this, the 
nations of Europe will find new proofs that it has been sought to pro- 
claim principles winch will be influential in the way of fostering good 
relations with the countries with whom we exchange our products and 
divide our riches. 

Honorable plenipotentiaries, there was a time when the genius of 
Bolivar entertained the idea of a great congress to organize a South 
American confederation, and when the fruitful spirit of Monteagudo, 
giving form to the thought of the great captain, laid out with manly 



287 

word the programme of an assembly of representatives of the Govern- 
ments of this portion of America. 

An offensive and defensive alliance against any European nation was 
sought, and the object of the Congress of Panama was to provide for 
this which was deemed a necessity; but on this occasion the eagle of 
the Orinoco did not meet with the success it did at the '■' embrace" of 
Guayaquil, when it hurled the Spanish lion from the Andes to the other 
side of the seas, and which, on that solemn occasion, was inspired by 
sentiments of sublime patriotism, picturing in its mind, perchance, the 
field of Ayacucho, where the last cannon's roar proclaimed to the w< irld 
that the Republics destined to be the pride of the Latin race were free 
and independent. 

Before this time, gentlemen, San Martin had foretold also, in the 
presence of eternal snows and upholding the strong arm of O'Higgins, 
that the freedom of Chili would be secured at Chacabuco, crossing 
with his cannon the most towering and inaccessible peaks, once more tc > 
carry out the compact of Chilians and Argentines, who. conquerors in 
Maipu, carried triumphant the flags of the two nations even unto the 
uttermost limits of America. 

Besides that of Panama, other attempts were made in the same direc- 
tion. It was the embryonic period of the people who had just freed 
themselves. At times they lost faith in the future, and, believing them- 
selves threatened by enemies from beyond seas, they saw their strength 
weakened by the disorder incident to the struggle, and which greatly 
increased when the common enemy had once been conquered. 

Those perils have passed, and the South American nations abide in 
the midst of the peace and progress with which they will dismiss the 
nineteenth century, to become great and powerful in the twentieth, 
which, as has been said, will be the century of America. 

With abiding faith in the great destinies awaiting each one of the 
South American nations, all enjoying close relations with the old world, 
as defined by their laws, all bound to make right prevail, and with ele- 
ments of inexhaustible wealth, each country is the architect of its own 
fortune, but united all in the interest of the future of South America, 
whose sons desire that it shall always be said of the States forming it: 
"All for each, and each for all." 

Gentlemen, the greatness of the countries of this part of the conti- 
nent, their power as autonomic entities, depends to-day upon peace, 
upon liberty, and upon the development of their own elements, strength- 
ened by others, which upon joining shall commingle to form an har- 
monious whole, which, without losing sight of its origin, which we 
should never deny, for it honors us, shall present extensive horizons to 
labor and to collective and individual action under the law. 

Alliances against the nations of the old continent had their day and 
their reason during the struggle for independence, and even after that, 
when Europe could be ruled by one will, or when the policy of its 



288 

Governments savored of the adventurous or was inspired by dreams of 
conquest. 

To-day there exists in America on the north a great nation, and on 
the south budding States, which occupy a distinguished station among 
civilized countries, and what is more, so as to entirely eradicate the fears 
of the days, we have tightened the ties that bind us to Europe by daily 
increasing commerce, by the immigration we are receiving, and which 
has commenced to blot out our deserts, and finally by the mutual re- 
spect we command, she, as well as us, so that we may consider ourselves 
already as indispensable factors in the advancements of the world. 

We have not, then, to extend the battle lines as in the heroic periods 
of our history, but we do have to recognize each other as brothers, as 
before, and to seek in the inspirations of patriotism, in the invocation 
of the spirits of our illustrious dead, and even in our own advantages, 
the means which shall forever prevent bloody .conflicts, which would 
paralyze the great future reserved for us. 

Honorable plenipotentiaries, when the minutes of your sessions shall 
be read, the importance of your work, the science and experience re- 
vealed by the international adjustments by you arrived at known, your 
Governments and the jurists of Europe and America, who await them 
with all the interest aroused by a body of eminent men, such as you 
form, shall have passed upon them, the International South American 
Congress will be ever remembered with gratitude by the countries 
whose interests it has more closely served, and with respect by men of 
science, just as the indisputable merit of other efforts in the same direc- 
tion, among which shines the Congress of jurists, held in Lima a few 
years since, on the initiative of the Government of Peru, should be 
held in remembrance and recognized. There should be recognized 
also the intelligent and patriotic co-operation in this Congress of the 
Governments of Paraguay and Bolivia, worthily represented by their 
plenipotentiaries. 

It will always be said that on the banks of the Plata, in the capital 
of the Oriental Republic of Uruguay, which merited from the world 
the name of the New Troy, was held the first International South 
American Congress on the initiative of the two nations bathed by the 
great river; that there were prescribed the rules which shall forever 
prevent the conflict of the laws of seven sovereign States, realizing 
what to many was a dream, and which up to the present time has been 
an impossibility for countries occupying a high station among nations. 
Countries recently come into being, which struggled half a century 
to constitute themselves, each having passed through critical periods 
in the various epochs of their national history, and republics or 
monarchies, direct your gaze to-day over the vast continent, and you 
will discover only the foot-prints of the endeavors of peoples and gov- 
ernments to reach a proud station among nations, be it in the field of 
free institutions or in that of material advancement wherein all strug- 
gle by means of labor. 



289 

Thus, in the matter of institutions not long ago we witnessed the 
solemn spectacle of the abolition of slavery in Brazil, a grand event 
the whole world has applauded, a magnificent action , which once more 
revealing the manly character of a monarch worthy of the nation he 
rules, reveals also the just and humanitarian heart beating within the 
bosom of the Emperor Pedro II, initiator of the idea realized to the 
honor of his name and in the midst of the enthusiasm of the people 
win ise destinies he rules. 

The Montevidean Congress is, gentlemen, another happy and bene- 
ficial event, in that we are seen united, the countries bound together 
by solemn compacts which record the most liberal principles of the 
science of law. Everyone knows that with a union of the people, the 
union of the governments is the most logical of consequences. 

Honorable Plenipotentiaries: Upon declaring, in the name of my 
Government, that your sessions are closed, I must say to you. as a proof 
of the esteem your labors have merited, that the first act of the Most 
Excellent the President of the Argentine Republic, upon reassuming 
the administration of the nation, will be to approve the eight treaties 
you have negotiated, so as to transmit them to the Honorable Congress 
with the special recommendation which so useful and important inter- 
national acts merit. 

And now, gentlemen, I beg that you will rise to give thanks to Provi- 
dence for the favors bestowed upon you during your labors, ami as a 
mark of respectful consideration- to the Oriental Republic and its Gov- 
ernment, which has shown and shows us such cordial and never-to- 
be-forgotten hospitality, and whose distinguished roll in the Interna- 
tional South American Congress will ever be a seal of honor which 
shall occupy a leading place in the pages of its history. 
563a — vol 4 19 



LEGISLATION AM) PROPOSED LEGISLATION 

IN THE 

CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES 

REFERRING TO 

The International American Conference. 

291 



LEGISLATION AND PROPOSED LEGISLATION 

IN THE 

CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES 

REFERRING TO 

THE INTERNATIONAL AMERICAN CONFERENCE. 



The following is the legislative history of the Interna- 
tional American Conference in the Congress of the United 
States: 

On the 21st of January. 1880, the Hon. David Davis, 
of Illinois, by request of Mr. Hinton Rowen Helper, intro- 
duced the following bill, winch is the first suggestion found 
in the records of Congress of legislation leading to the In- 
ternational American Conference: 

[S. 109> Forty-sixth Congress, second session.] 

In the Senate of the United States. 

January 31, 1880. 

Sir. Davis, of Illinois(by request), asked, and by unanimous consent 
obtained, leave to bring in the following bill: which was read twice 
and referred to the Committee on Commerce: 
A BILL for the encouragement of closer commercial relationship between the United 

States and the Republics of Mexico, Centra] America, the Empire of Brazil, and the 

several Republics of South America. 

Whereas from the southern boundary of the United States to the 
Argentine Republic, and also the Republic of Chili, a distance of about 
four thousand five hundred miles, including Mexico, Central America, 
the United States of < lolombia, Venezuela. Peru, Ecuador. Brazil. Bo- 
livia. Paraguay, and Uruguay, containing a population, in all, of about 
forty million of industrious and progressive people, with whom the 
people of the United States hold, and desire to maintain, the most 
friendly relations and with whom a closer and reciprocal interest in 
trade and commerce ought to be encouraged, yet with whom the peo- 
ple of the United States have no facilities for intercommunication, 
except by long sea voyages, although no great physical obstacle exists 

293 



294 

to the construction of a through line of railroad running at the foot of 
the eastern slope of the great mountain chain, from its northern to its 
southern termini, which would open that vast interior region to our 
manufactures and commerce; connected on the eastern side at the head- 
waters of navigation with a grand river system that extends for thou- 
sands of miles through the United States of Colombia, Guiana, Vene- 
zuela. Brazil, Uruguay, Paraguay, and the Argentine Republic, and on 
the Pacific side with the principal sea-ports, by means of branch rail- 
roads similar to those that have been constructed in Peru, and termi- 
nating with one branch on the Pacific, at the sea-port of Valparaiso 
and on the Atlantic side with a branch at Buenos Ayres ; and 

Whereas it is considered that this great international work can be 
constructed through the united efforts of the several Governments of 
the Republics and the Empire of Brazil, through whose territory it 
would pass, guided by the advice and experience and assisted by the 
material aid from the commercial and railroad interests of the United 
States: Therefore, 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the 
United States of America in Congress assembled, That in order to 
initiate such action as may lead to the adoption of measures that may 
form a basis for the organization of an international administration, to 
which shall be intrusted the duty of carrying forward the work of con- 
structing said railroad, that the President of the United States be, and 
he is hereby, authorized and requested to invite all the Governments 
of the said several Republics of Mexico, Central America, South Amer- 
ica, and the Empire of Brazil to send duly appointed delegates to 
meet in convention in the city of Washington, upon the third Monday 
in June, eighteen hundred and eighty, to adopt such measures as may 
be considered the most practicable to carry forward the proposed work 
in the interest of peace, commerce, and mutual prosperity; that the 
sum of fifty thousand dollars, now in the Treasury of the United States 
and not otherwise disposed of. be, and is hereby, appropriated, or so 
much thereof as may be necessary, and placed to the credit of the Sec- 
retary of State, to defray, in a manner becoming the dignity of the 
United States, the expenses incidental to the holding of said conven- 
tion. 

IN THE SENATE, 1882. 

On the 24th of April, 1882, at the suggestion of Mr. 
Hinton Rowen Helper, Mr. Cockrell. of Missouri, intro- 
duced the following bill: 

A BILL to authorize the appointment of a special commissioner for promoting com- 
" mercial intercourse with such countries of Central and South America a smay be 
found to possess the most natural and available facilities for railway intercommuni- 
cation with each other and with the United States. 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the 
United States of America in Congress assembled, That the President of 



295 

the United States be, and he is hereby, authorized and directed to 
appoint, for a term of two years, a special commissioner whose duty 
it shall betoproceed in regular order, and as soon as it may be con- 
venient, to Guatemala, Honduras. Salvador, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, 
Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, and the Argentine Republic, and 
there obtain specifically all the facts and information of every nature 
which may be utilized in extending friendly and commercial inter- 
course between those and the adjacent countries and the United States. 

Sec. 2. That it shall also be the duty of the said commissioner to 
ascertain the disposition and purposes of the inhabitants of the several 
countries named with reference to railway intercommunication with 
themselves, respectively, and with the United States, and what pro- 
visions, guaranties, and privileges, if any. they have already granted, 
or may he inclined to grant, to secure the benefits of more speedy and 
perfect postal communication and unobstructed trade and travel 
between themselves and the people of the United States. 

Sec. 3. That it shall further he the duty of said commissioner to 
transmit to the Secretary of State careful and complete reports from 
each and eveiy country visited by him. and the various reports so trans- 
mitted shall be retained in the Department of State for such reference 
and use as the public interests may require. Copies of the same reports 
may at any time be subject to the order of ( tongress. 

Sec. 4. That the salary of the said commissioner shall be eight 
thousand five hundred dollars per annum: and that he may employ, as 
translator and secretary, an assistant of his own selection, but subject 
to the approval of the Secretary of State, at a salary of three thousand 
dollars per annum. 

Sec. 5. That the sum of eleven thousand five hundred dollars per 
annum, tor the period of twoyearsas aforesaid, is hereby appropriated, 
out of any money in the Treasury of the United States not otherwise 
appropriated, to pay the salaries of the said commissioner and his 
assistant under appointment as thus authorized. 

MR. morgan's BILL. 

On the same clay. April 24, 1882, Mr. Morgan, of Ala- 
bama, introduced in the Senate the following: 

A BILL for the encouragement of closer commercial relations between the United 
Stares ami the Republic of Mexico, Central America, the Empire of Brazil, and the 
several Republics of south America. 

Whereas from the southern boundary of the United States to the 
Argentine Republic and the Republic of Chili, a distance of about five 
thousand miles, including Mexico, Central America, the United States 
of Colombia. Venezuela, Peru. Ecuador, Brazil. Bolivia. Paraguay, and 
Uruguay, containing, in all. a population of about forty million of in- 
dustrious and progressive people, with whom the people of the United 



296 

States hold and desire to maintain the most friendly relations, and with 
whom a closer and reciprocal intimacy in trade and commerce is de- 
sirable and worthy of encouragement, yet with whom the people of the 
United States have no facilities for intercomunication except by sea, 
although no great physical obstacle exists to the construction of a 
through line of railroad along and at the foot of the eastern slope of the 
great mountain chain from Central America to Chili, which would 
open that vast region to our manufactures and commerce, connected 
on the eastern side at the headwaters of navigation with the grand 
river system that extends for thousands of miles through the United 
States of Colombia, Guiana, Venezuela, Brazil, Uruguay, Paraguay, and 
the Argentine Republic, and on the Pacific side with the principal sea- 
ports by means of branch railroads similar to those that have been 
constructed in Peru, and terminating with one branch on the Pacific 
at the seaport of Valparaiso and on the Atlantic at Buenos Ayres; and 

Whereas it is considered that this great international work can be 
constructed through the united efforts of the several Governments of 
the Republics and the Empire of Brazil, through whose territory it 
would pass, guided by the advice and experience and assisted by mate- 
rial aid from the commercial and railroad interests of the United States: 
Therefore, 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the 
United States of America in Congress assembled. That in order to ini- 
tiate such action as may lead to the adoption of measures to form a 
basis for the organization of an international admistration to which 
shall be intrusted the duty of encouraging the work of constructing 
said railroad, the President of the United States be, and he is hereby, 
requested to invite all the (invermnents of the said Republics and the 
Empire of Brazil to send delegates to meet in a convention in the city 
of Washington, at a time to be designated by the President, during 
the present year, anno Domini eighteen hundred and eighty -two, then 
and there to adopt such measures as to them may seem the most prac- 
ticable to undertake and carry forward the work herein proposed, in 
the interest of peace, commerce, and mutual prosperity; that the sum 
of dollars, now in the Treasury of the United States and not 

otherwise disposed of, be, and is hereby, appropriated, or so much 
thereof as may be necessary, and placed to the credit of the Secretary 
of State, to defray in a proper manner becoming to the dignity of the 
United States the expenses incidental to the holding of the said con- 
vention. 

ADVERSE ACTION IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 

Similar bills at the same time were introduced in the 
House of Representatives, and were referred to the Com- 
mittee on Foreign Affairs. On the 20th of June following- 
Mr. Kasson, of Iowa, submitted the following report: 



297 

REPORT: 
[To accompany bill H. R. 0023.] 

The Committee on Foreign Affairs, to whom was referred the bill 
(H. R. 6023) to authorize the appointment of a special commissioner for 
promoting commercial intercourse with such countries of Central and 
South America as may be found to possess the most natural and avail- 
able facilities for railway intercommunication with each other and the 
United States, respectfully report the bill back to the House with the 
recommendation that it do not pass, and ask that the committee be dis 
charged from the further consideration of the same, and that the bill 
and report be laid on the table. 

REVIVAL OF THE SENATE BILLS. 

( >n the 8th of February, 1883, Mr. Cockrell, of Missouri. 
introduced a bill very similar to that previously proposed 
by him for the appointment of a special commissioner to 

visit the several Republics of Central and South America. 
A similar bill was introduced at the same time in the House 
of Representatives. 

At the beginning of the next session Mr. Cockrell re- 
introduced the bill in the Senate, and it was also re-intro- 
duced in the House. On the 11th of December, 1883, Sena- 
tor Sherman re-introduced the bill that had been proposed 
the year before by Mr. Morgan, of Alabama, fori reappoint- 
ment of a commission to visit Central and South America. 
The same bill was introduced in the House by Mr. Jordan, 
of Ohio. 

A CUSTOMS UNION PROPOSED. 

In the first session of the forty-eighth Congress Mr. 
Townshend. of Illinois, proposed the following, which was 
referred to the Committee on Commerce: 

JOINT RESOLUTION requesting the President to invite the co-operation of the Gov- 
ernments of American nations in securing the establishment of free commerciaj 
intercourse among those nations and an American customs union 

Whereas the establishment of free commercial intercourse among the 
nations now existing upon the continent of America will promote the 
friendly political relations, internal commerce and industry, and secure 
a more extensive market for the surplus products of each of said nations: 
Therefore. 

Resolved by tin' Senate and House of Representatives of the United 
States of America in Congress assembled, That the President of the 



298 

United States be, and he is hereby, requested to invite the co-operation 
of the Governments of the American nations in securing the establish- 
ment of a commercial league, by and between the said nations to be 
known as the Customs Union of America, the arrangement of a com- 
mon basis of import duties from other countries than those which may 
compose said league, and that the commercial intercourse among the 
people of all the American States may be freed from the payment of 
any customs or other dues whatever; and that a common system of 
weights and measures may be also established for the purpose of facili- 
tating said intercourse. 

FAVORABLE ACTION IN THE SENATE. 

On the 3d of March, 1884, Mr. Cockrell introduced in 
the Senate the following bill, which was the basis of an 
amendment added to the diplomatic and consular appro- 
priation bill of that year, attthorizing the appointment of 
the commission which, during 1884 and 1885, visited Cen- 
tral and South America: 

A BILL to authorize the appointment of three commissioners to visit the principal 
countries of Central and South America for the purpose of collecting information 
looking to the extension of American trade and commerce, and the strengthening of 
friendly and mutually advantageous relations between the United States and all the 
other American nationalities. 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United 
States of America in Congress assembled. That the President of the 
United States be, and he is hereby, authorized and requested to nomi- 
nate and, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to appoint, 
for a term not exceeding two years, a special commission of three per- 
sons, whose duty it shall be to proceed, as soon as it may be convenient 
after such appointment, to the sixteen distinctively independent coun- 
tries here designated, in the order indicated, namely, Mexico, Guate- 
mala, Honduras, Salvador, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Colombia, Vene- 
zuela, Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, the Argentine Republic, Chili, Uruguay, 
Paraguay, and Brazil, and inquire diligently after and collect such in- 
formation as may be useful in extending trade and commerce, and in 
strengthening the subsisting friendly relations and reciprocally sustain- 
ing principles and policies between those several neighboring nationali- 
ties and the United States. 

Sec. 2. That it shall also be the duty of such commission to inquire 
into and ascertain the feelings and inclinations of the peoples of those' 
countries with reference to railway intercommunication between them- 
selves, respectively, and the United States, and likewise what guar- 
antees, immunities, and privileges, if any. have already been granted 
by them, or that they may hereafter be willing to grant, looking to the 



299 

increase and quickening of postal communication, commerce, trade, 
and travel between their own inhabitants, respectively, and the inhab- 
itants of the United States. 

Sec. •'.. That it shall lie the further duty of such commission to trans- 
mit their reports, in writing, from time to time, to the Secretary of 
State of the United States, concerning the matters and interests here- 
inbefore mentioned, which reports, when received, shall be preserved 
in the Department of State for such reference and use as the public 
welfare may seem to require. 

Sec. 4. Thai each of the said commissioners shall receive the sum of 
five thousand dollars per annum as compensation in full for the services 
rendered by him under the provisions of this act: and the said com- 
mission shall be allowed, during the said term of two years, for neces- 
sary and official expenses, a sum not exceeding thirty-five thousand 
dollars, to be certified and audited in the manner usual with the De- 
partment of State : but the said commission may. if in their experience 
and judgment it shall he necessary, employ an assistant well versed in 
the Spanish language, at a salary, payable by the United States, of not 
more than two thousand five hundred dollars per annum. 

Sec. 5. That the sum of seventy thousand dollars, payable by the 
Secretary of the Treasury of the United States, upon the warrant of the 
Secretary of State, he, and the same is hereby, appropriated, out of 
any- money in the Treasury of the United States not otherwise appro- 
priated, or so much thereof as may be necessary, to pay the salaries 
and expenses of the said commissioners and their assistant during the 
said term of two years. 

REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS. L884. 

The bill having been referred to the Committee on 
Foreign Relations, was returned to the Senate with the 
following favorable report: 



[To accompany amendment to the consular and diplomatic appropriation bill. ] 

The Committee on Foreign Relations beg leave to report the accom- 
panying amendment, which they propose to the hill making appropria- 
tions for the consular and diplomatic service for the year ending June 
30, 1885, in lieu of bills S. 347. 594, and 1700, which hills the committee 
recommend he indefinitely postponed, and ask that the amendment 
herewith he referred to the Committee on Appropriations. The sub- 
ject matters embraced in the above-mentioned hills have been carefully 
considered 1>.\ the committee, and their views are contained in tin- 
letter from the Department of State dated March 36, 1884, hereto ap- 
pended and made a part of this report. 



300 



MR. FRELINGHUYSEN S PROJECT. 

Department of State, 

Washington, March 26, 1884. 

Sir : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of 
the 5th instant, inclosing copies of two proposed amendments to the 
consular and diplomatic bill for an appropriation to defray the expenses 
of a conference of independent American nations to promote com- 
merce and general peace, and in which you inform me of the courtesy 
of the committee in submitting the amendments for my consideration, 
with the request that if the President approve of the proposition, to 
place it within his power, so far as expenses are concerned, to invite 
such a Conference that I submit a draft of an amendment, such as I 
regard as proper, or that I indicate which of the two I prefer. 

I am thoroughly convinced of the advisability of knitting closely 
our relations with the States of this continent, and no effort on my 
part shall be wanting to accomplish a result so consonant with the 
constant policy of this country and in the spirit of the Monroe doc- 
trine, which, in excluding foreign political interference, recognizes the 
common interest of the States of North and South America. It is the 
history of all diplomacy that close political relations and friendship 
spring from unity of commercial interests. The merchant or trader 
is the forerunner and aid to diplomatic intimacy and international 
amity. With the spirit of the proposed amendments I am in harmony. 

But certain practical objections to the mode suggested occur to me. 
I fear that a congress so soon to meet without previous conference 
with the several Governments, and without the preparation of a well- 
digested programme for discussion, might be unable to accomplish a 
valuable result. The views of the States which are to be parties to the 
Conference should be obtained, their wishes and aims carefully consid- 
ered, and thereupon the scope and purpose of the congress carefully 
defined and outlined in the invitation. 

The disadvantage of summoning a congress without some definite 
assurance of general accord and without an announcement of its pro- 
gramme was shown in 1880, when the Colombian Government con- 
voked a congress of Spanish-American States at Panama to concert 
measures for preserving peace between them by means of international 
arbitration. Few States were represented, and the Conference failed 
to develop unity of views, and broke up without accomplishing any- 
tliing, except, perhaps, a prejudice against the renewal of the project. 

Moreover, it is probable that the other States, certainly the smaller 
and less powerful among them, would desire a treaty of alliance, re- 
quiring of the United States protection and defense in case of attack, 
not only by European powers, but by their more powerful neighbors 
on this continent. Material aid also in the construction of their rail- 
roads and other similar public works would be expected, neither of 
which propositions could lie entertained by lis. In the Conference the 



301 

smallest State would have a voice equal to that of the United Slates. 
and while we need not necessarily be bound by the conclusions reached, 
it would weaken rather than strengthen our influence with these 
countries if we should feel forced to reject measures adopted by the 
( '(inference. 

Considerations of much this character influenced the failure of the 
notable project for an American congress at Panama during Mr. Adams's 
administration, in 1828-'S9. The congress was proposed by the South 
American States, then recognized by us as independent, but still nomi- 
nally at war with Spain. Its purposes were mutual alliance and pres- 
ervation of peaceamong them. President Adams and Mr. Clay favored 
the project, butcontinued opposition, in and out of Congress, developed 
the general belief that the only result would lie to make the United 
States the protector of the whole republican system of the continent, 
thus giving the minor States the benefit of a special protection which 
the United States did not need for themselves and could not adequately 
expect from the rest. The United States commissioner, although 
appointed, did not attend the congress, and owing to the disordered 
condition and conflicting interests of the Spanish-American States 
it attained no result. (See note to Dana's Wheaton, p. 99, et seq.) 

The true plan, it seems to me, is. to make a series of reciprocity trea- 
ties with the States of Central and South America, taking care that 
those manufactures, and as far as is practicable those products, which 
would come into competition with our own manufactures and products 
should not be admitted to the free list. By these treaties we might 
secure for valuable consideration so as not to violate the most favored- 
nation clause of other treaties, further substantial advantages. Such, 
for example, as the free navigation of their coasts, rivers, and lakes. 

Indiscriminate reduction of duties on materials peculiarly the pro- 
duction of Central and South America would take from us the ability 
to offer reciprocity and we would thus lose the opportunity to secure 
valuable trade. Removal of duties from coffee, without greatly cheap- 
ening its price, deprived us of the power to negotiate with the coffee- 
growing countries of Spanish-America highly advantageous recipro- 
city treaties, and indiscriminate reduction of duties on sugar would 
complete our inability to establish favorable commercial relations with 
those countries which form our natural market, and from which we are 
now almost entirely excluded. If we confine the reduction of duties 
on such articles as sugar and coffee to those Spanish-American coun- 
tries which are willing to negotiate with us treaties of reciprocity we 

cheapen these products for our own | pie and at the same time, gain 

the control of those markets for the products of our fields and factor- 
ies. 

Another point seems well worthy of consideration. The United 
States are great producers of silver, and every market which can be 
opened for this valuable product is to our direct advantage. Great 
Britain, on the other hand, strives to disparage and exclude it as a 



302 

means of exchange ; for its use in this way depreciates her wealth 
and works to her disadvantage. The states of Central and South 
America are also silver producers, with interests like ours. It would, 
therefore, be advantageous, and is probably practicable, to agree upon 
a common silver coin equal in value, say, to our gold dollar, or to some 
other appropriate standard, which, under proper regulation as to coin- 
age, etc., should be current in all countries of this continent Thus 
value would be given to our silver products, and commerce with these 
countries would be aided. 

I suggest that it would be well to make an appropriation giving to the 
President power to appoint a commission to carefully consider what 
the best interests of North and South America and the Isthmus require ; 
to send, if foimd advisable, delegates to confer with the Governments of 
the other countries, and, after this commission has made its report upon 
the most feasible means of carrying out measures of mutual advan- 
tage, then, empowering the President, if he sees proper, to call the con- 
vention. A body so convened would meet with its general object and 
scope marked out, and would know beforehand what wishes of the 
other states this Government is unable to comply with, thus avoiding 
what might seem a rebuff should we feel obliged to decline a project 
matured by the congress without our assent. 

I inclose herewith a draft of an amendment embodying these views 
which meet the President's approval. 

I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, 

Fred'k T. Frelinghuysen. 

Hon. John F. Miller, 

Chairman Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate. 

FAVORABLE REPORT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 

A similar bill was introduced in the House of Repre- 
sentatives and reported favorably from the Committee on 
Foreign Affairs by Mr. Charles Stewart on the 7th of May, 
1884. The following is a copy of Mr. Stewart's report : 



[To accompany bill H. R. 6926.] 
The Committee on Foreign Affairs have carefully considered the two 
following bills, the first being H. R. 124, entitled " A bill to authorize 
the appointment of a special commissioner for promoting commercial 
intercourse with such countries of Central and South America as may 
be found to possess the most natural and available facilities for railway 
intercommunication with each other and the United States," and the 
other being H. R. 1240, entitled " A bill for the encouragement of closer 
commercial relationship, and in the interests of, and the perpetuation 
of, peace between the United States and the Republics of Mexico and 
Central and South America and the Empire of Brazil." 



303 

Inasmuchas the purposes sought to be effected by the passage of 
these two Mils are substantially the same, they may be considered 
together, and the objects which they seek to attain may be stated to 
be, viz : 

(1) To strengthen the subsisting friendly relations between this coun 
try and the Republic of Mexico.and the different Governments of Cen- 
tral and South America. 

(2) To promote greater commercial intercourse between the United 
States and the before-named countries. 

(3) To ascertain the feeling- and inclinations of the peoples of Mexico 
and the countries in Central and South \ riea with reference to rail- 
way communication between said countries and the United States: and 
likewise, what guaranties, immunities, and privileges, it any, have 
already been granted by them, or thai thej maj hereafter be willing 
to grant, for the purpose of increasing and quickening postal commu- 
nication, trade, and travel between their countries and the United 
States. 

Although l„>th bills have in view the accomplishment ol the -. 

purposes they are widely divergent in the means sought to be employed. 

One provides for the a]. point nt b\ this < lovernment of a single com 

missioner, who may, if, in his experience and judgment it shall be 
necessary, employ an assistant, and this commissioner shall visit the 
countries hereinbefore named for the purpose of acquiring such infor- 
mation as will aid in the accomplishment of the objects heretofore 
mentioned; the other seeks to attain the same end b\ empowering the 

President of the United States to inviteall the Goven aits of Central 

and South America, and also the Republic of Mexico, to meel in con 
vention in the city of Washington, upon such a day as he may appoint, 
during the year A. 1), 1884, for the purpose of considering and adopt- 
ing such measures as wil] tend to promote the same great policies. The 
committee is of opinion that no convention of the countries named 

should be invited until the wishes of said Governments in relat 

thereto be ascertained, and therefore itcan not recommend the passage 
of a bill which makes provision for the immediate call of such a con- 
vention : and it is also of the opinion that the magnitude and impoi 
tanceof the duties to be performed are too much to be intrusted to a 
single commissioner. Entertaining these views, thecommittee has pre- 
pared a substitute for said bills, which is herewith reported, and it 

recommends that the bills H. R. 124 and II. R. L240 do lie upon the 
table, and that the substitute in lieu thereof be adopted. 

The committee deem it not improper to call attention to some facts 
and to make some suggestions which may serve to show the impor- 
tance of legislation for the accomplishment of the purposes sought to 
be attained by the two bills before mentioned; and which purposes, it 
is thought, can be more certainly accomplished l>\ the adoption of the 
substitute accompanying this report. All the countries with which we 
seek to cultivate amicable and commercial relations, with the excep- 



504 



tion of one, are republics, and because of the similarity in forms of 
government, there is a bond of sympathy between them and us which 
would have long since produced more intimate relations, both social 
and commercial, but for obstacles which can now be removed by the 
enlightenment and progress of the age. 

Brazil is the only country in South America without a republican 
form of government, but this vast country is peculiarly fortunate in 
having a great and progressive statesman for its Emperor, who lias 
excited the admiration of all good and wise men by his persistent 
efforts to develop the resources of his extensive domain, and to improve 
in every possible way the condition of his people. We may with entire 
confidence rely upon the co-operation of Brazil in all undertakings 
which will promote reciprocal relations of friendship and commercial 
prosperity. 

Central and South America have an area of nearly 8,000,000 square 
miles, and the development of the resources of this vast territory can 
hardly be said to have begun; and its capabilities for the production 
of mineral and agricultural wealth can not be approximately estimated. 

With but a partial development of its resources, its foreign commerce, 
both imports and exports, for the year ending June 30, 1883, amounted 
to $694,793,000, and more than one-half of this amount of business was 
done with Great Britain, and less than one-fifth of it was done with 
the United States. The following tabular statement is believed to give 
a correct idea of the commerce of Mexico and the different States in 
Central and South America. 

FIRST EXHIBIT. 



Value of the foreign commerce of the several 
countries, respectively, of South aud Central 
America ami Mexico, with all or her countries 
during the year ending June 30, 1883. 



Value of ex- 


Value of im 


Total value of 


ports of the 


ports of the 


foreign com- 


countries des- 


countries des- 


merce with all 


ignated. 


ignated. 


the world. 


§28,835,000 


§29,290,000 


§58,125,000 


4,368,000 


3,054,000 


7,422,000 


3,415,000 


2,885,000 


6, 300, 000 


5,208,000 


3,450,000 


8.658,000 


2,110,000 


1.300,000 


3,410,000 


6,470,000 


4, 220, 000 


10,690,000 


20,126,000 


19,367,000 


39,493,000 


16,534,000 


13,860,000 


30,394,000 


15.613,000 


12,998,000 


28,611,000 


11,271,000 


9,663,000 


20,934,000 


13,866,000 


28,630,000 


72,496,000 


3,202,000 


2,709,000 


5,911, IKK) 


46,482,000 


27,160,000 


73,642,000 


60,389,000 


61,246,000 


121,635,000 


.''_>. liliO, > 


19,410,000 


42,070,000 


4,430,000 


3,627,000 


8,066,000 


110,106,000 


95.955,000 


215,061,000 


413,094,000 


3:38,824,000 


752,918,000 



Mexico 

Guatemala 

Honduras (all) 

Salvador , 

Nicaragua 

Costa Rica 

( Jolombia 

Venezuela 

Guianas(the three) 

Ecuador — 

Peru 

Bolivia 

Chili 

Argentina 

Uruguay 

Paraguay 

Brazil 



305 

SECOND EXHIBIT 





Value of external commerce between theUnited 

States ami the several countries, respeeth eh 
of South ami Central America and Mexico 
during the year ending June 30, 1883. 


Countries. 


Exports from 
the United 
states bo the 
countries des- 
ignated. 


Imports into 
tile United 
States from 
the countries 
designated. 


Total com- 
merce with t ho 
United States. 




. slo. 483. 000 

1,626,000 

621,000 

457,000 

276,000 

466,000 

5, 185,000 

5,967,000 

2,119,000 

496,000 

297. 000 

83,000 

1,520,000 

3,121.000 

1,612,000 

81,000 

9, 253, tXW 


J8, 462, 000 

3, 160, 000 

732,000 

589,000 

138,000 

963,000 

6,990,000 

6.672,000 

2,826,000 

1,150,1X10 

965. lion 

323,000 

2,272,000 

4. 968, 000 

4,164,000 

243, 000 

18,382,000 


(23, 945, 000 
4,786,000 


















12.475,000 












Peru 








Chili 


3.792,000 
8,089,000 




















48,963,000 


93. 319, (XX) 


142,282,000 



Aii examination of the above statement will show that the total 
amount of our imports from Central and South America for the year 
ending June 30, 1883, was $84,857,000, and that our exports to those 
count lies for the same year amounted to 133,480,000, showinga balance 
of trade against us to the amount of $51,377,000. 

An intelligent citizen of this country, who has traveled over a great 
portion of South America, in a recent publication, speaking of the 
commerce of that country, says: 

" It always grieved me exceedingly, and was particularly offensive to 
my sense of the fitness of things, to find almost everything in the way 
of foreign merchandise throughout the length and breadth of my 
routes of European manufacture. At different points along the Atlan- 
tic and Pacific coasts, in many cities of the plains, in various towns on 
the mountain slopes, on the apex of Potosi and on the tops of other 
Andean peaks higher than Mount Hood, I have gone int. > stores and 
warehouses and looked in vain— utterly in vain— for one single article 
of American manufacture. From the little pin with which the lady 
fastens her beau-catching ribbons to the grand piano witli which she 
enlivens and enchants the hearts of all her household ; from the tiniest 
thread and tack and tool needed in the mechanic arts to the largest 
plows ami harrows and other agricultural implements and machines 
required for use on the farm— all these and other things, the wares 
and fabrics and light groceries and delicacies in common demand; the 
5G3A— VOL 4 30 



306 

drugs and chemicals sold by the apothecary; the fermented malt and 
spirituous liquors in the wine saloon; the stationery and fancy goods in 
the book-store; the furniture in the parlor and the utensils in the 
kitchen, are, with rare exceptions, of English, Germm, Spanish, or 
Italian manufacture. And what makes the matter still more unsatis- 
factory and vexatious to the North American and more expensive and 
otherwise disadvantageous to the South American, is that these articles 
are, as a general rule, inferior both in material and make to the cor- 
responding article of American manufacture." 

This condition of things ought to be changed at the earliest practi- 
cable moment; and there should be no balance of trade against us in 
our commerce with those countries, and in order to effect such a change 
in our commercial relations with Central and South America the com- 
mit'.ee earnestly recommends the adoption of the substitute herewith 
reported, believing that it will serve to initiate such policies as will be 
of great advantage not only to the population of this country, but to 
the inhabitants of Central and South America. 

Our commercial relations with Mexico aie more satisfactory. From 
the tabular statement hereinbefore given it appears that the foreign 
commerce of Mexico, both exports and imports, in the aggregate 
amounted to the sum of $58,125,000, and that nearly one-half of this 
commerce was done with the United States. It also appears that for 
the year ending June 30, 1883, that with Mexico there was a balance of 
trade in our favor amounting to $7,021,000. Our proximity to Mexico 
has had much to do with building up our commerce with that country; 
but much more is due to the liberal and progressive spirit by which 
the Mexican Government has been actuated in encouraging and pro- 
tecting the investments of American capital. 

Already American enterprise is actually engaged in construe' ing 
railways in Mexico, and to-day one may go from New York all the 
way by rail to the city of the Montezumas, the Mexican Central Rail- 
road now being in operation from Denver to the City of Mexico. The 
Atchison and Topeka Railroad Company has built one of its lines 
through Mexico to the city of Guaymas, on the Pacific. One other line 
of railway is in operation from Laredo, Tex., to and beyond the city of 
Monterey, and other lines of railway are being rapidly pushed from 
Texas towards the City of Mexico and to points on the Mexican 
Pacific coast. The construction of these roads has infused new life and 
energy into Mexico, and her rapid increase in wealth and material 
prosperity is assured. But Mexico reaps not all the benefits resulting 
from these investments of American capital, for our commerce with 
that country has greatly increased and is continually enlarging. 

Why may not like results be obtained in the States of Central and 
South America by the investment of American capital and the applica- 
tion of American energy? A duty imposed upon the commissioners by 
the bill herewith reported is to ascertain the feelings and inclinations of 
the Governments of Central and South America with reference to rail- 



307 

way communication with the United States. The idea of building a 
railway from the Tinted States to the Argentine Republic is somewhat 
startling to those who have never given the subject a thought, but a little 
reflection will convince any one that no insuperable obstacle is in tin- 
way of such an enterprise. A railroad from some point in Texas. or 
elsewhere in this country, where a connection is formed with the rail- 
mud system of the United .States to the City of Mexico, and thence 
through the Republic of Mexico and Central America and along the 
Isthmus of Darien, passing east of the Andes through South America 
to the Argentine Republic, would meet with hut few natural obstacles 
in the way of its construction, and the distance will not exceed 6,800 
miles, and itmaj beshortened to 6,000 miles by commencing its construc- 
tion at the City of Mexico, where it "ill connect with roads already built 
and in process of construction. Distance and natural obstacles have 
never thwarted American enterprise in the construction of railways. 
Already have several lines of railway been stretched across this conti- 
nent, either of which, from ocean to ocean, is more than 3.000 miles in 
length. While it may be true that a railroad from the United States to 
the Argentine Republic is of greater magnitude, yet it is believed that 
the obstacles to its completion are no more formidable than were en- 
countered eighteen or twenty years ago in the construction of our first 
transcontinental line. 

In the United States, with an area of something over 3.000.000 square 
miles, we have now about 125,000 miles of railroads, which, with all 
their appurtenances, have cost not less than $5,000,000,000. South and 
Central America, with a population very nearly as large as that of the 
United States, and with an area of nearly 8,000,000 square miles, have 
an aggregate of 8,452 miles of railroads, this being a less number than 
is found in one single State in this Union. From Guatemala and Hon- 
duras to Chili and the Argentine Republic, embracing the several inde- 
pendent and progressive commonwealths of Salvador, Nicaragua, Costa 
Rica. Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, Brazil, Paraguay, 
and Uruguay, the conditions of topography, soil, climate, population, 
productions, and all other circumstances, actual and prospective, are 
believed to be such as to invite and fully justify the construction of 
the great line of railway suggested by this bill, and when it is con- 
structed our commerce will be enlarged to such an extent as at this 
time to defy anything like a correct estimate of its value, and then we 
will be in a position to say to European Governments in the memorable 
words of President Monroe : 

" That we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their 
s\ stem to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and 
safety." 

It is believed that no topographical difficulty exists that will prevent 
the construction of the proposed railway. The trouble is in another 
direction. The capital with which the road is to be built and operated 
must be protected by the pledged faith and proper guaranties of all the 



308 

Governments that may be interested in the building and maintenance 
of the colossal enterprise ; and this protection must be extended at all 
times, in time of war as well as iu time of peace. 

While it is true that the commissioners will not be confined to an in- 
vestigation of the practicability of connecting ' this country with the 
States of Central and South America by railways, but must extend 
their investigations to all other means and facilities, whereby closer 
commercial relations with said States and this country may be pro- 
moted, it is also true that they will be charged with no more import- 
ant duty than to obtain all information which may show the feasibility 
of constructing such railways with entire safety to those who may invest 
their money in building and operating the same. 

It may be thought by some that the duties imposed upon the commis- 
sioners by the bill herewith reported can easily be performed by our 
ministers and consuls in Mexico and Central and South America with- 
out an additional expense to this Government. If such an objection 
be made, we beg that it shall be remembered that the provisions of the 
bill contemplate an integrity and singleness of purpose which can be 
conveniently advanced and achieved only by a special commission. 
One section of the bill, when enforced, will bring to said commissioners 
all the assistance which the diplomatic officers of this Government in 
those countries may be able to render. It would be impossible for min- 
isters and consuls who are widely separated to have that concert of 
action which would exist with a commission charged with the perform- 
ance of specific duties, and without such concert of action no good 
could be accomplished. Besides, the sending of a special commission 
to Mexico and to the different nationalities in Central and South Ame- 
rica would be a higher manifestation of our regard for those Govern- 
ments, and would demonstrate the sincere desire of this Government 
to cultivate with them such relations as will be of mutual benefit. 

THE "SOUTH AMERICAN COMMISSION" AUTHORIZED. 

The following is an extract from the act of Congress 
making appropriations for the consular and diplomatic 
service of the Government for the fiscal year ending June 
30, 1885 : 

For three commissioners to be appointed by the President, by and 
with the advice and consent of the Senate, at a compensation of seven 
thousand five hundred dollars each. Said commissioners shall ascer- 
tain the best modes of securing more intimate international and com- 
mercial relations between the United States and the several countries 
of Central and South America, and for that purpose they shall visit 
such countries in Central and South America as the President may 
direct. 

For one secre'.ary to said commission, to be appointed by the Presi- 



309 

dent, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, three thousand 
dollars ; and in addition to the foregoing amounts such further sum as 
may be required for the reasonable expenses of said commission, such 
expenses to be paid upon the certificate of the chairman thereof and 
approved by the Secretary of State ; and said commission shall report 
their action to the President, for transmission to Congress, with such 
recommendation as he may deem fitting. 

Under the authority of this bill the President of the 
United States appointed a commission, consisting of George 
H. Sharpe, of New York; Solon O. Thacher, of Kansas; 
and Thus. ('. Reynolds, of Missouri, with William Eleroy 
Curtis as secretary, to visit the several countries of Cen- 
tral and South America to ascertain the best modes of se- 
curing more intimate international and commercial rela- 
tions. This commission held conferences with the mer- 
chants and manufacturers of the United States in Boston, 
New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, New Orleans, and 
San Francisco, and then visited each of the several coun- 
tries in turn. 

George H. Sharpe having resigned in March. 1885, Will- 
iam Eleroy Curtis was appointed commissioner to succeed 
him. This commission made from time to time a number 
of reports, which were printed by order of Congress, and 
appear as H. R. Ex. Doc. 220, Forty-eighth Congress, sec- 
ond session, and H. R. Ex. Doc. 50, Forty-ninth Congress, 
first session. These reports recommended that an invi- 
tation be extended by the United States to the several 
other Governments of America to join at Washington in 
a conference to promote commercial intercourse and to 
prepare some plan of arbitration. 

THE CUSTOMS UNION PROPOSITION ADVERSELY REPORTED. 

On the 21st of December, 1885, Mr. Townshend, of Illi- 
nois, re-introduced his joint resolution requesting the 
President to invite the co-operation of the Governments 
of the American nations in securing the establishment of 
free commercial intercourse among those nations, and an 
American customs union. 

On the 15th of April, 1880, Mr. McCreary, of Kentucky, 
from the Committee on Foreign Relations, made the fol- 
lowing report : 



310 

REPORT : 

[To accompany H. Res. 14.] 

The Committee on Foreign Affairs, to whom was referred joint res- 
olution (H. Res. 14) requesting the President to invite the co-operation 
of the Governments of American nations in securing the establishment 
of free commercial intercourse among those nations and an American 
customs union, have considered said resolution and report the same 
with an adverse recommendation. 

RESOLUTION TO PROMOTE ARBITRATION. 

On the 26th of January, 1880, Mr. Worthington intro- 
duced in the House of Representatives the following joint 
resolution : 

JOINT RESOLUTION to authorize the President of the United States to invite the 
autonomic Governments of America to send delegates to an international American 
congress to arrange for the arbitration of all national differences. 
Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United 
States of America in Congress assembled, That the President of the 
United States be, and is hereby, authorized, through the Secretary of 
State, to invite the autonomic Governments of America with which the 
United States has diplomatic relations to send delegates to an inter- 
national American congress, to be held at such time and place as he 
may designate, for the purpose of agreeing upon and recommending 
for adoption to then- respective Governments a definite plan of arbitra- 
tion of all questions, disputes, and differences that may now or here- 
after exist between them ; and that the President is hereby authorized 
to appoint such a number of delegates from the United States as he may 
see fit, who shall serve without compensation other than their expenses, 
and to take such other steps as may be necessary for the execution (if 
the purposes of this resolution; and that the sum of twenty-five thou- 
sand dollars is he.eby appropriated, out of any money in the Treasury 
not otherwise appropriated, to defray the expenses that may be incurred 
under this resolution. 

On the 15th of April Mr. McCreary, from the Committee 
on Foreign Affairs, made the following report : 



[To accompany II. Res. 9-1.] 

The Committee on Foreign Affairs, to whom was referred joint reso- 
lution (H. Res. 94) to authorize the President of the United States to 
nvite the autonomic Governments of America to send delegates to an 
International American Congress to arrange for the arbitration of all 



311 

national differences, have had the said resolution under consideration, 
and report the same with an adverse recommendation, and ask that it 
lie on the table. 

THE RAILWAY SCHEME REVIVED. 

On the 8tb of February, 1886 was re-introduced into 
both Houses of Congress the bill of Mr. HintoD Rowen 
Helper, authorizing the Presidenl of the United Slates — 
to invite all the Governments of the said several Republics of Mexico. 
Central America, and South America, .- ■ 1 1 < I the Empire of Brazil, to 
meet in convention, in the city of Washington, upon such a day as he 
may appoint, during the present year, anno Domini eighteen hundred 
and eighty-six, to consider such questions as relate to the l>est mode of 
establishing upon a firm and lasting basis peaceful and reciprocal com- 
mercial relations, and also to adopt such measures as may be consid- 
ered the most practical to carry forward the construction of the said 
railroad to the interests of peace, commerce, and mutual prosperity; 
and that tlic> sum of fifty thousand dollars, now in the Treasury of the 
United Stales and not otherwise disposed of, be, and is hereby, appro- 
priated, or so much thereof as may be necessary, and placed to the 
credit of the Secretarj of State, to defray, in a manner becoming the 
dignity of the rnited Stales, the expenses incidental to the holding of 
said convention. 

ARBITRATION IN THE SENATE. 

This bill was returned by the Committee on Foreign 
A ll'.-urs with an adverse recommendation. On the L5th of 
February, L886, Senator Logan of Illinois, introduced in 
the Senate the following bill, which on the 6th of May 
was reported adversely from (ho Committee on Foreign 
Relations, and indefinitely postponed. 

A Hit. I. to authorize the President of the United States to send delegates to an inter- 
national American congress to arrange tor the arbitration ol all national differences. 

Be il enacted by the Senate "ml House of Representatives of the 
thiilni ' stii/fs of America in < 'otHji-rss assemble, i. Thai the President 
of the United States l»-, and is hereby, authorized to invite the Govern- 
ments of America with which the Government of the United States 
has diplomatic relations to send delegatesto an international American 
congress, to be held at such time and place as may be designated, for 
the purpose of agreeing upon and recommending for adoption to their 
respective Governments a definite plan of arbitration of all questions, 
disputes, and differences thai may now or hereafter exist between 
them; and that the President is hereby authorized to appoint such a 



312 

number of delegates from the United States as he may see fit, not to 
exceed ten in number, to be divided equally between political parties, 
who shall serve without compensation other than their expenses, and 
to take such other steps as may be necessary for the execution of the 
purposes of this act: and that the sum of twenty thousand dollars is 
hereby appropriated, out of any money in the Treasury not otherwise 
appropriated, to defray the expenses that may be incurred under this 
act. 

SENATOR FRYE'S ORIGINAL BILL. 

On the 23d of February, Senator Frye, of Maine, intro- 
duced in the Senate the following : 

A BILL to promote the political progress and commercial prosperity of the Amer- 
ican nations. 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the 
United States of America in Congress assembled. That the President 
be, and he hereby is, authorized and directed to invite, on behalf of the 
Government and people of the United States, delegates from each of 
the Republics of Central and South America, from San Domingo, and 
the Empire of Brazil to assemble in Washington on the first day of 
October, eighteen hundred and eighty-seven, to meet delegates on the 
part of the United States, to consider and decide upon such questions 
as shall be to the mutual interest and common welfare of the American 
people ; that each of the independent nations of this hemisphere shall 
be entitled to send as many delegates as it shall for itself determine, 
but in deciding questions in the congress no delegation shall have more 
than one vote. 

Sec. 2. That in forwardiug the invitation to the constituted authori- 
ties of the several independent Governments of the American hemis- 
phere, the President of the United States shall set forth that the con- 
gress is called to consider- 
First. Measures that shall tend to preserve the peace and promote the 
prosperity of the several Republics and the Empire of Brazil, and to 
preserve the present integrity and territorial conditions of each as they 
exist against forcible dismemberment. 

Second. Measures toward the formation of an American customs 
union, under which the trade of the American nations shall, so far as 
is possible and profitable, be confined to American waters, and there 
shall be a free interchange of the natural and peculiar manufactured 
products of each. 

Third. The establishment of regular and frequent lines of direct steam- 
ship communication between the ports of the United States and the 
ports of Central and South America. 

Fourth. The establishment of a uniform system of custom regulations 
in each of the independent American states to govern the importation 



313 

and exportation of merchandise, a uniform method of determining the 
classification and valuation of such merchandise in the ports of each 
country, and a uniform system of invoices. 

Fifth. The adoption of a uniform system of weights and measures, 
and uniform laws to protect the persons and property, the patent rights, 
copyrights, and trade-marks of either country in the other. 

Sixth. The adoption of a common silver coin which shall be issued 
by each Government in such an amount proportionate to the popula- 
lation of each as may be determined upon, the same to be legal-tender 
in all commercial transactions between the citizens of all of the nations 
of the American hemisphere. 

Seventh. An agreement upon and recommendation for adoption to 
their respective Governments of a definite plan of arbitration of all 
questions, disputes, and differences that may now or hereafter exist be- 
tween them. 

Ski i. :i That such delegates as may attend the said congress shall be 
the guests of the Government of the United States, and shall be enter- 
tained, from the time of then- arrival in tliis country until their depart- 
ure, in such a manner as shall be consistent with the dignity of the na- 
tion and the importance of the duty they are appointed to perform ; 
and that the sum of one hundred thousand dollars, or so much thereof 
as may be necessary, is hereby appropriated out of any money in the 
Treasury not otherwise appropriated, the same to be disbursed under 
the direction of the Secretary of State. 

Sec. 4. That the President of the United States shall appoint, by and 
with the advice and consent of the Senate, twenty-four delegates to 
the said congress, selected equally from the political parties, of whom 
at least three shall be learned in international law, and the remainder, 
men who are actively engaged in agriculture, manufacturing, and the 
exportation and importation of merchandise. 



A COMMON SILVER COIN PROPOSED. 

On the 16th of March, 1886, Mr. Reagan, of Texas, in- 
troduced the following in the House of Representatives : 

A BILL to provide for a conference of the American nations on a common standard 
silver coin, and for other purposes. 

Whereas it is desirable that all the American nations, producers of silver, 
and using almost exclusively silver coins in the operations of their 
domestic and foreign trade, should agree upon a common standard 
silver coin, equal in value, size, weight, and fineness, current in all 
of them: and 

Whereas the result of such agreement is likely to be highly beneficial 
to each and all the contracting parties, and will increase their com- 
mercial and friendly relations: Therefore, 



314 

Be it enacted bythe Senate and House of Representatives of the United 
States of America in Congress assembled, That immediately after the 
passage of this act the President shall invite the Governments of all 
the American Republics and the Empire of Brazil to join the United 
States in a conference to agree upon a common standard silver coin, 
equal in value, size, weight, and fineness, current in all of them; such 
conference to be held at such place on the American continent, and at 
such time, within six months from the passage of this act, as may be 
mutually agreed upon by the Governments joining the same, whenever 
the Governments so invited, or any three of them, shall have signified 
their willingness to unite in the same. 

Sec. 2. That the sum of fifteen thousand dollars is hereby appropri- 
ated, out of any moneys now in the Treasury and not otherwise appro- 
priated, or so much thereof as may be necessary, and placed to the 
credit of the Secretary of State, to defray, in a manner becoming the 
dignity of the United States, the expenses incidental to the holding of 
said convention. 

MR. M'CREARY'S ORIGINAL BILL. 

On the 29th of March, 1886, Mr. McCreary, of Kentucky, 
introduced the following : 

A BILL authorizing the President of the United States to arrange a conference for 
the purpose of encouraging peaceful and reciprocal commercial relations between the 
United States of America and the Republics of Mexico, Central and South America, 
and the Empire of Brazil. 

Be it enacted by the Senate and, House of Representatives of the United 
States of America in Congress assembled, That the President of the 
United States be, and he is hereby, requested and authorized to in- 
vite the several Governments of the Republics of Mexico, Central and 
South America, and the Empire of Brazil to join the United States in 
a conference to be held in the United States or in one of the Republics 
named herein, for the purpose of considering questions relating to the 
improvement of business intercourse between said countries, and to en- 
courage such peaceful and reciprocal commercial relations as will be 
beneficial to all and secure more extensive markets for the surplus prod- 
ucts of each of said countries. The President of the United States 
shall appoint three commissioners who shall attend said conference on 
behalf of the United States, and shall report the proceedings thereof to 
the President, who shall transmit the same to Congress; and the com- 
missioners shall each receive the sum of one thousand dollars and their 
reasonable expenses, to be approved by the Secretary of State; and 
the amount necessary to pay such compensation and expenses is hereby 
appropriated out of any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropri- 
ated. 



315 

AN ARBITRATION CONFERENCE AGAIN PROPOSED. 

On the same day Mr. McKinley, of Ohio, introduced the 
following : 

A BILL to authorize the President of the United States t iirite bhe autonomic Gov- 
ernments of America to send delegates to r.i international congress to arrange the 
settlement of national differences by arbitration. 

Beit enactedby the SenateandHouseof Representatives of the United 
States of America in Congress assembled, Thai the Presideni of the 
United States be, ;m<l he is hereby, authorized to invite the auto- 
nomic Governments of America to send delegates to a congress to be 
held at Washington or New York, and at such time as he may desig- 
nate for the purpose of revising and formulating and recommending a 
definite and fixed plan of arbitration of all differences now existing or 
that may hereafter exist between them, with the understanding that 
the delegation from each Government shall have but one vote in said 
convention ; and that the President is hereby authorized to appoint 
delegates, who shall not exceed twelve in number, equally from the two 
leading political parties, six of them being learned in international law, 
and that such delegates shall serve without compensation other than 
their expenses: and that the President is hereby authorized to take 
such other action as may be necessary for the purposes of this act ; and 
the sum of thirty thousand dollars is hereby appropriated, out of any 
money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, to defray the ex- 
penses that may be incurred under this act. 



MR. M'CREARY'S ORIGINAL REPORT. 

On the 15th of April, 1886, Mr. McCreary, of Kentucky, 
reported from the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the 
House of Representatives, the following: 

A BILL authorizing the President of the United States to arrange a conference for the 
purpose of promoting arbitration and encouraging reciprocal commercial relations 
between the United States of America and the Republics of Mexico, Central and South 
America, and the Empire of Brazil. 

Be it enactedbythi Senate <m<l House of Representatives of the United 
States of America in Congress assembled, That the President of the 
United States be, and he is hereby, requested and authorized to invite 
the several Governments of the Republics of Mexico, < Vntral and South 
America, and the Empire of Brazil to join the United States in a con- 
ference to be held at Washington, in the United States, for the purpose 
of discussing and recommending for adoption to their respective Gov- 
ernments some plan of arbitration for the settlement of disagreements 
and disputes that may hereafter arise between them, and for consider- 
ing questions relating to the improvement of business intercourse be- 



316 

tween said countries, and to encourage such reciprocal commercial re- 
lations as will be beneficial to all and secure more extensive markets for 
the products of each of said countries. The President of the United 
States shall appoint three commissioners who shall attend said confer- 
ence on behalf of the United States, and shall report the proceedings 
thereof to the President, who shall transmit the same to Congress ; and 
the commissioners shall each receive the sum of one thousand dollars 
for their service; and the sum of twenty thousand dollars, or so much 
thereof as shall be necessai'y, is hereby appropriated, out of any money 
in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, to pay said compensation 
and the reasonable expenses of the conference, to be approved by the 
Secretary of State. 

This bill was accompanied by the following report: 



[To accompany bill H. R. 7884.] 

The Committee on Foreign Affairs, to which was referred the bill (H. 
R. 7207) authorizing the President of the United States to arrange a 
conference for the purpose of promoting arbitration and encouraging 
reciprocal commercial relations between the United States of America 
and the Republics of Mexico, Central and South America, and the Em- 
pire of Brazil, have had the same under consideration, and respectfully 
report the accompanying bill, and recommend its passage. 

This bill, as far as is deemed proper and practicable, is for the ac- 
complishment of the same results sought in joint resolutions 14 and 
94 and House bill 5444, to wit. the establishment of more intimate 
commercial and other international relations between the United States 
and other autonomic States of the American continent. 

The subject of establishing closer international relations between all 
the Republics of the American continent and also the Empire of Bra- 
zil, containing in the aggregate one hundred millions of people, for 
the purpose of improving the business intercourse between those 
countries and securing more extensive markets for the products of 
each is both interesting and important. Sixty years ago this subject 
was discussed and a conference was suggested between representatives 
of our Government and the other Governments, and President John 
Quincy Adams appointed representatives to the Congress held at Pan- 
ama to consider measures for promoting peace and reciprocal commer- 
cial relations between said countries. This Conference was beneficial, 
but at that time our people were looking more to Europe for business 
and commerce than to the countries south of us, and no action was 
taken by our Congress. Now the United States is at peace with all the 
world and our population and wealth make this the foremost Republic 
of the world, and our Government should inaugurate the movement in 
favor of an American conference. 



317 



The present depression of business and low price of farm products 
are caused, to a considerable extent, by a limited market for our sur- 
plus products. Some of the best markets we can look to are not far 
beyond our southern border. They are nearer to us than to any other 
commercial nation. The people of Mexico and of Central and Smith 
America produce much that we need, and our abundant agricultural, 
manufactured, and mineral productions are greatly needed by them. 
These countries cover an area of 8,118,844 square miles, and have a 
population of 4'2,770,:)74. Their people recognize the superiority of our 
products, and desire more intimate business intercourse with our peo- 
ple, but the great bulk of their commerce and trade is with Europe. 
The Argentine Republic has from forty-five to sixty steam-ships running 
regularly between Buenos Ayres and European ports, and no regular 
line between that country and the United States, and our commercial 
facilities with the other republics of Central and South America are 
about the same. 

In 1884 our exports were valued at $733,768,704. 

Of this amount we exported but $64,719,000 to Mexico and South and 
Central America. 

Our annual mechanical and agricultural products are valued at fifteen 
thousand millions of dollars, while we seldom have sold more than 
seventy-five millions of dollars worth of these products to our nearest 
neighbors, who buy in Europe at least five times as much as they get 
here. 

The total commerce of the countries named in 1883 was as follows : 

Imports {331,100,599 

Exports 391,294,781 

Of the $331,100,599 of merchandise sold to those countries, the share 
of the United States was only $43,598,469; yet we are their closest 
neighbor. 

The disparity of our trade with Peru, Chili, Argentine Republic, and 
Brazil is both amazing and humiliating. 

Last year the imports of merchandise were as follows: 



Peru 

Chili 

Argentine Republic 
Brazil 



(6,335,685 
[1,060 B80 
39, 693, 295 
33,946,215 



(743,105 
3,311,007 
1,317,393 
7,317,393 



The following tables exhibit the population of the countries named, 
and the relations of trade carried on by them with the United States 
and Great Britian during the last year ; 



318 





Argentine -a rn ,i] 
Republic. Brazu - 


Central 
America. 


Chili. 


Colombia. 


Population 


3,406,000 | 10,108,291 


2,900,000 


2, 400, 396 


2,951,323 


Exports to Great Britain 
Imports from Great Britain. 

Exports to United States 

Imports from United States 


$5.7:13. :«;:, W...-.H7. ir,r. <i'...vji;.:i.-,o $12,(177.4115 

»t 692,295 33 946 215 1 624,560 11,060,880 

l.lttS.f.lO 15.203.060 li, 4ll'.l, HOI 604,525 

J, 347, 2113 1 7,317,2:13 j 2,762,531 2,211,007 

1 


$2,166,380 
6,107,045 
2,342,007 
5, 583, 368 




Mexico. 


Peru. 


Ven- 
ezuela. 


Uruguay. 


Dominion 
of Canada. 


Population 


9.3S9. 161 


3,050,000 


2, 075, 242 


447,000 


4,750,000 


Exports to Great Britain 
Imports from Great Britain . 
Exports to United States — 
Imports from United States. 


$3, 502, 500 
5,415,765 
9,207,021 
8,340,784 


$10,414,170 $1,300,565 

6,235,685 l 3,028,680 

1,764,890 6,309,580 

742,105 3,043,009 


$3,283,025 
8,131,640 
2,734,017 
1,682,443 


§45,558,555 

44,727,095 
39.000,000 
50,000,000 



Total values of free and dutiable merchandise imjiorted into the United 
States from Mexico and Central and South America during the year 
ending June 30, 1885, with the estimated amounts of duty collected on 
such imports. 



Countries from which imported. 



Argentine Republic 

Chili 

Mexico 

Central American states 

United States of Colombia 

Venezuela 

Peru 

Brazil 

Uruguay ■■-■;■ 

Bolivia, Ecuador, Paraguay, and Pat- 
agonia 



Value of merchandise. 



Free of 
duty. 



,:i2S,5io 

01)1.525 
1,267.021 
i, 109, 015 
!. .-142.077 
i.309, 5X0 
.764. SOU 
1,263. 660 
!. 734, 617 

753, 601 



Estimated 
amounts 
of duty col- 
lected. 



,480.80 
140.00 

'.1 U.S. Mi 



Total value of merchandise subject to duty. 

Equivalent ad valorem rate of duty on- 
Dutiable merchandise 1 015 

Free and dutiable merchandise 60. 72 

The consumption of cotton goods in Central and South America and 
in Mexico amounts to nearly one hundred millions of dollars annually, 
and although they are so near our cotton-fields, England furnishes 
about 95 per cent, of these goods. 

Cotton fabrics constitute the wearing apparel of nearly three-fourths 
of those people, and they have to import all they use. 

England monopolizes this trade because of her cheap transportation 
facilities, and because her mills furnish goods especially adapted to the 



319 

wants and tastes of the consumers, which our mills have never 
attempted to produce. 

It is very important that transportation facilities between the United 
States and her southern neighbors should be improved : for as long as 
the freight from Liverpool, Hamburg, and Bordeaux is $15 a ton. they 
can not be induced to pay $40 a tern to bring merchandise from the 
United States. 

There is not a commercial city in these countries where the manu- 
facturers of the United States can not compete with their European 
rivals in every article we produce for export. 

The report of the South American Com i ission shows, by the testi- 
mony of the importing merchants of those countries, that aside from 
the difference in cost and convenience in transporting, it is to their 
advantage to buy in the United States, because the quality of our prod- 
ucts is superior, and our prices are usually as low as those of Europe. 
In this connection it may be important to consider whether a common 
standard of gold and silver coins equal in value, weight, and fineness 
in all of the countries named, and current in all of them, would help 
to increase commerce and friendly relations among them. 

The bill does not seek to control the conference or determine what it 
shall do. but simply to bring representative men of each Government 
together, to discuss and recommend for adoption to their respective 
Governments some plan of arbitration for the settlement of disagree- 
ments and disputes that may hereafter arise between them, and to con- 
sider questions relating to the improvement of business intercourse 
between said countries, and to encourage such reciprocal commercial 
relations as will be beneficial to all, and secure more extensive markets 
for the products of each. 

While no scheme may be devised by which all and every disagree- 
ment and dispute may be submitted to arbitration in such manner as to 
always avoid international war. it certainly will be in accordance with 
the civilization and Christianity of this age to seek to establish a plan 
of arbitration by which questions of difference may be arranged and 
settled peaceably. 

The Amphictyonic council of Greece, composed of delegates from 
each of its states, and empowered to examine and decide all their dis- 
putes, did much to preserve peace between them for years, and the 
Achrean league did the same, and was often solicited even by foreign 
nations to act as arbiter of their disputes, and the recent adjustment of 
the controversy over the "Alabama claims" shows that the Government 
of the United States favors arbitration. 

While we have great respect for those who advocate a reform of our 
lawson currency and taxation, we believe that the great questions pre- 
sented in the bill under consideration should not be delayed, but should 
receive prompt action, so as to keep pace with the < ither important sub- 
jects referred to. 

It is not proposed to intrust to the Conference the power to make final 



320 

and definite treaty arrangements— that would be in opposition to our 
Constitution : but it is believed that all will be benefited by a confer- 
ence held under the invitation and auspices of the most prosperous and 
powerful nation of the American continent, from which assemblage re- 
ports of the proceedings shall be made to the respective Governments 
for proper action. 

The bill provides that the commissioners shall report the proceedings 
thereof to the President, who shall transmit the same to Congress, and 
it is believed that nothing but common good can grow out of such a 
conference. 

At no time since the organization of our Government has there been 
a deeper conviction of the propriety of connecting in closer relations 
our Republic and the Republics of Mexico, Central and South America, 
and the Empire of Brazil. 

Whatever tends to bring into kindly accord the interest and aims of 
our country and those of our neighbors will be beneficial. 

The report of the commissioners, appointed imder the act of 1884, 
shows that the people of these countries are anxious to encourage more 
ultimate commercial relations with the people of the United States. 
They say in then- report : 

" Unless we have been completely misled by the expressions and pro- 
testations of the ruling powers of each and every one of the Govern- 
ments we have visited, the only estrangement possible between them and 
us will flow from our own indifference and neglect. Indeed, we have 
already lost much that naturally belongs to us from this cause. Every 
President and cabinet officer, every leading and thoughtful citizen we 
met, joined in the sentiment of gratified surprise that our country had 
taken the initiative by this embassy in bringing about more cordial and 
hearty communication between the various Republics and our own. In 
our effort to reach more intimate relations we have, then, this basis of 
kindness and desire upon the part of those we seek to reach as a foun- 
dation for our action. We shall plant seed in a genial soil, beneath a 
propitious sky. " 

MR. BELMONT'S MINORITY REPORT. 

VIEWS OF THE MINOBITY. 

I regret extremely that I am unable to concur with my associates on 
the Foreign Affairs Committee who advise the House to accept and 
pass the bill H. R. No. 7367. which requests the President to invite the 
several Governments on this continent therein named to join this Gov- 
ernment in a Conference, and authorizes the President to appoint three 
commissioners who shall attend the Conference on behalf of this Gov- 
ernment, and appropriates $20 000 therefor. The objects and aims of 
the Conference, as vaguely mentioned in the bill, are three fold. One 
is to discuss and recommend for adoption by this Government, and 



321 

each "1" the other Governments, someplan of arbitration for the settle- 
ment ut' disagreements and disputes hereafter arising between t'.iem. 
Another is to consider questions relating to the improvements of busi- 
ness intercourse between "said countries." A third is to encourage 
such peaceful and reciprocal commercial relations as will be beneficial 
to all, anil secure more extensive markets for the surplus products of 
each of said countries. 

If the bill shall become a 1 iw this Government will, as befits its di 
nityand power on this continent, be the initiator of the Conference, and 
will naturally be considered by the participating nations as the one to 
take the 1 ad in formulating the propositions to be considered by the 
Conference I have seen no indication that the President has suggested 
or advised the proposed Conference, and if such a Conference is to be 
convened by his invitation, on the request of Congress, then the pro- 
moters in Congress should, as it seems to me, define, with reasonable 
precision, not only the objects to be sought by those representing this 
Co\ eminent in the Conference, but the ways and means by which those 
objects are to !»' obtained, including, in the outline, the concessions 
which our law-making power.as distinct from our treaty-making power, 
might be willing to make. If the Conference were proposed by other 
Governments, as was the congress at Panama in 1826, or if the Presi- 
dent had initiated the Conference now proposed, and bad asked the sanc- 
tion of the Senate by the confirmation of commissioners, and of the two 
Houses by an appropriation of money therefor, then the President could 
he assumed to be in possession of, or to have formulated, the measures 
to be proposed at the Conference, and the stipulations which, if inserted 
in a treaty, he would lie willing to sign and transmit to the Senate for 
its action. But. in the present case, the initiation of negotiations to be 
carried on by the President comes, so far as I am informed, entirely 
from the House. If the Conference should convene under the proposed 
bill, and the assembled powers were to ask our commissioners for an 
outline of their plan as regards the three topics, what reply should the 
President instruct them to make'.' 

Arbitration. — The first topic in the bill is arbitration. It proposes 
that the < lonfen nee shall discuss and recommend " some plan." What 
plan? Which ••disagreements and disputes" are to be submitted to 
arbitra t i< in 1 What si art i if arbitrate in ? Those an > i ir< iblems c< mcerning 
which the President should, by the bill, be advised, or else most incon- 
venient consequences might flow from a rejection by the Senate or Con- 
gress of a plan or system of arbitration which had been adopted by the 
Conference on the initiation and advocacy of our own commissioners. 

What is arbitration as understood in international intercourse? Vat- 
tel defines it to be "a reasonable and natural mode of deciding such 
disputes as do not directly affect (lie safety of the nation." The ex- 
clusion contained in this definition is most important. It is believed 
thai during tin century ami a quarter which has intervened since tins 
definition was written, no powerful Government has consented or indi- 
."i<i:'» A— VOL 4— — 31 



322 

cated its willingness to consent generally to the reference to an arbitra- 
tion, either by neutral Governments or by commissioners, of any but 
secondary questions, such as claims for pecuniary compensation for in- 
juries, questions of boundary lines, disputes over the interpretation of 
treaties, and other similar questions. Wars have been prevented by 
the mediation, or good offices of some friendly Government or Govern- 
ments, but the exercise of mediation or of good offices is rather a method 
of conciliation than of arbitration, which last implies the power of 
definite and final decision. 

The United States ever since the organization of their national Gov- 
ernment, and notably in the treaty of peace of 1783, have frequently 
used with great success arbitration as a method for the settlement of 
secondary questions. The plenipotentiaries to the congress of Paris of 
1856, in their twenty-second protocol, express in the names of their 
Governments the wish that the States between whom serious difficulties 
may arise, would, before appealing to arms, have recourse, as far as 
circumstances will admit, to the good offices of a friendly power. But 
there again the exceptions "as far as circumstances will admit," and 
the employment only of good offices (which last is often a simple for- 
mality to bring the contending parties together), as distinct from arbi- 
tration, which pronounces a real obligatory judgment, are significant. 

It may be said that the international tribunal at Geneva was the sub- 
mission by this Government of a question too important to be called a 
secondary question, but it is to be remembered that it was by the re- 
sult of negotiations by the Joint High Commission at Washington that 
the "three rules" were formulated, which left little to be done at 
Geneva, excepting to ascertain the facts, apply the rules, and assess the 
damages. It was the decision of the British Government that war 
ought not to come out of the "Alabama claims" which led up to the 
Joint High Commission, which in turn created the tribunal at Geneva. 

The bill reported to the House gives no indication of the class of ' ' dis- 
agreements and disputes" which this Government will consent to refer 
to arbitration. Will the United States consent to confer on any tribunal 
the power to adjudge the cession of territory by us, or the demolition of 
our fortifications, and to decree anything and everything to be done by 
us which, according to the present usages of international law, may be 
imposed upon a defeated nation by its victors in war? Probably not, 
and, if not, then precisely what class of questions will the United States 
say may be referred to arbitration? If arbitration is to be a complete 
substitute for war, then it would seem essential that the jurisdiction of 
the arbitrators shall cover all " disagreements and disputes" which may 
possibly lead to war. When a commotion or insurrection or civil war 
is, to the great possible injury of a neighboring nation, on the point of 
breaking out within any one of the nations to participate in the Confer- 
ence, shall the origin of the outbreak, and the claims of the contending 
parties, be submitted to arbitration, or shall the sphere of arbitration 
be limited to questions which, according to existing international usage, 



323 

are capable of constituting legitimate causes of war? Will the United 
States consent to submit to arbitration a decision of the question whether 
or not this Government shall make an apology to some other nation ? 

Assuming the proposed bill to be so enlarged and amended as to de- 
clare definitely the class of questions which this Government may de- 
clare to the conference that it is willing, in behalf of itself, to submit to 
arbitration, then what international machinery shall be provided on this 
continent to ascertain the facts which underlie the dispute, and give 
judgment? Shall this international organization, for the settlement of 
"disagreements and disputes," be of a permanent character, with au- 
thority to take immediate jurisdiction without waitinguntil the parties 
concerned mutually agree to submit to arbitration? Is there to he on 
this continent a permanent congress of nations, or a new international 
nation? Are the several independent nations 011 this continent to form 
themselves into a federation for the purpose of arbitrating disputes be- 
tween themselves ? If this congress of nations is not to he in perpetual 
session, then by whom is it to be convened in order to deliver its judg- 
ment upon " disagreements and disputes " tending to disturb the peace 
of the continent? As our own thirty-ninth Government, which is the 
Federal Government at Washington, clasps and enfolds the thirty-eight 
State Governments in the union of States, and as is intented to settle 
disputes and prevent war between them, shall there be a new inter- 
national nation on this continent, with a congress, a court, and an ex- 
ecutive, to settle disputes and prevent war between the several nations? 
What limitation shall be placed upon the nature of the award and 
judgment which this international tribunal may make? 

And when the proposed bill has been amended so as satisfactorily to 
answer these questions, then will come the other question, whether the 
decisions of this new international tribunal on this continent shall have 
only a moral authority, or provision shall be made for the physical en- 
forcement of the verdict. Is the new contrivance to be. in the first 
place, an appeal from force to reason, and then, if reason does not pre- 
vail, an appeal back again from reason to force ? If there is to he armed 
force behind the decision of this new board of arbitration, how shall 
this force be maintained, who shall command it, and what shall be the 
limit of international expenditure therefor? 

If it be said that the proposed bill only contemplates an effort to con- 
cert measures between the independent Governments on this continent 
to exercise a moral authority between nations where "disagreements 
and disputes " unfortunately arise, an 1 thus settle them in an amicable 
and satisfactory manner, it may he said that this Government has 
already given ample indication that such is its wish. But if, on the 
othi i hand, achief object of the proposed bill is to urge the several Gov- 
ernments of the Republics of Mexico, ( lentral and South America, to 
agree on " some plan of arbitration for the settlement of disagreements 
and disputes that may hereafter arise between them," hut which do not 
directly concern this Government, then it will deserve consideration 



324 

whether, uninvited by those Governments or either of them, it will be 
prudent for this Government to thus attempt to participate in the 
mutual relations of other independent Governments on this continent, 
and whether, if we do thus endeavor, we shall not thereby enter upon 
a field of effort from which hitherto our well-established policy and the 
warning voice of Washington have excluded us. 

Arbitration as a means in the affairs of individuals of obviating the 
necessity of recourse to courts of law, or in the affairs of nations of pre- 
venting the arbitrament of the sword, has much to commend it. Courts 
of conciliation are scarcely less effective and benevolent than courts of 
arbitration, whether in individual or international affairs. But before 
the proposed bill shall become a law, ought not Congress to define the 
circumstances and conditions under which the decision of the arbi- 
trators shall not be binding? Surely an independent government can 
not be expected to be bound if the arbitrators are incapable (as perhaps 
this Government had reason to suspect in its latest arbitration of the 
fishery question); or if the arbitrators acted in bad faith ; or if the con- 
tending parties have not been misunderstood ; or if the award shall 
have been in excess of the terms of the reference ; or if the decision 
shall have been contrary to natural justice. These questions and oth- 
ers like them will naturally come to the front on the assembling of the 
proposed conference, and our commissioners will naturally ask for in- 
structions from the President. The law which initiates the congress 
should, as it seems to me, clearly intimate to the President its opinion. 

In July, 1873, Mr. Gladstone said in the House of Commons that a 
general and permanent system of arbitration would make practical 
progress, not by attempting permanent international concert, which 
would then be premature, but by " a steady adherence on the part of 
those powers who are readily inclined and convinced and persuaded, 
on the subject to principle, first governing themselves by justice and 
moderation, and next losing no opportunity of recommending a peace- 
ful settlement of disputes between nations." 

Improvement of " business intercourse."' — The second topic to be 
discussed by the conference concerns " the improvement of business in- 
tercourse between said countries." And here, again, what is to be ac- 
complished by the President in that direction seems rather vague and 
difficult to practically deal with. Does the " improvement of business 
intercourse between said countries " imply and include the improve- 
ment of the means of transportation by land and by sea ? Does this 
Government intend to commit that large problem to an international 
conference, and to hold out the expectat'on to the Governments par- 
ticipating in such conference that this Government will be bound by 
the result of the deliberations? Or, if not, then should there not be in 
the bill a limitation and definition of the subjects relating " to the im- 
provement of business intercourse between said countries," concerning 
which a conference is invited 1 

Markets for surplus products.— The third object of the proposed con- 



325 

ferenoe is declared in the lull t < > be tin- encouragement of " such peace- 
ful and reciprocal commercial relations as will be beneficial to all and 
secure more extensive markets for the surplus products of each of said 
countries." It is to be inferred from this language that one of the ob- 
jects wliich this Government seeks to promote is the obtaining of "more 
extensive markets for the surplus products of Mexico. Brazil, and the 
States of Central and South America." It is not to be assumed that 
this Government will initiate a conference between themselves and the 
other Governments on this continent in order to monopolize for our- 
selves the purchase of "the surplus products of each of said countries." 
It is not to be assumed that either of those countries will undertake to 
sell its surplus products to none else but ourselves. The purpose is. on 
the contrary, declared to be such " reciprocal commercial relations" as 
will secure more extensive markets for the .surplus products of each. 
Whether or not all who dwell on this Western Hemisphere, or even we 
of the United States of America, would be more prosperous and better 
off if all commercial relations with the Eastern Hemisphere were pro- 
hil dted or prevented, is of course a very large question. But so 1< ing as 
the people and the governments on this continent which are at the south 
of us shall find on the other continent, and not find on this continent, 
the surplus capital and money which they need, it will not be reasonable 
for us to hope that Mexico. Brazil, and the Republics of Central and South 
America will cease to hold commercial intercourse with Europe, or that 
European holders of the indebtedness of those states will cease to exer- 
cise very potential influence in their affairs, and in the end control, it is 
feared, any conference to be assembled under the proposed bid. There 
is no danger that the primacy of the United Statesof America upon this 
contiiv nt. which comes of their situation, population, wealth, enterprise, 
energy, and determination to assert their rights, will be questioned or 
denied. But it is true, nevertheless, that we seek an outlet for the sur- 
plus product of our skill and our prosperous labor, and for that reason 
we should welcome the enlargement of "such peaceful and reciprocal 
commercial relations" between us and the Spanish races to the south of 
us. For the same reason we should encourage similar "peaceful and 
reciprocal commercial relations" with the five millions and more of 
people of our own race, speaking our own language, reading our news- 
papers, and living under laws and political institutions similar to our 
own. And for the same reason we should encourage " peaceful and re- 
ciprocal commercial relations" with the peoples who inhabit the islands 
of the Gulf of Mexico, and the surrounding seas, which islands are now 
the colonial dependencies of European governments. But the Domin- 
ion of Canada to the north of us and the islands of the ( rulf to the south 
of us are excluded from the arrangements contemplated in the pro- 
posed bill. 

Nothing is now so desirable for our own people as a free and recipro- 
cal interchange of products between ourselves and the people of other 
nations on this CO tinent. But what now hinders such free inter- 



326 

change so much as our tariff laws ? If this Government shall invite 
Brazil, Mexico, and the Republics of Central America and South Amer- 
ica to join us in a conference to promote such free and reciprocal inter- 
change of products, what concessions in our tariff schedules is the 
President to be authorized to instruct our commissioners to propose on 
our part ? The question on our own tariff will naturally and immedi- 
ately come up for discussion and consideration. Shall, for example, 
our commissioners be authorized to offer to the Argentine Republic to 
admit its wool into our ports free of duty ? 

No one can be moi-e sensible than I am of the great advantages 
which in our country flow from that free commercial intercourse, un- 
vexed by tariffs or custom-houses, which the Federal Constitution 
secures. I wish by some possible and wise contrivance those advan- 
tages now enjoyed by and between Maine and California, Florida and 
Alaska, could be realized by and between every nation and every pro- 
ducer on this hemisphere from Baffin's Bay to Cape Horn. But is this 
Government now in condition to successfully ask in a diplomatic way 
the accomplishment of such a result? To use Mr. Gladstone'^ lan- 
guage, should we not first of all begin to govern ourselves in tariff mat- 
ters with "justice and moderation?" And then, too, does opinion in 
this House tend to tolerate a reform or protective system by treaties? 
What is to be the fate of the Sandwich Islands treaty and Mexican 
treaty ? Is there not a disposition against the sugar arrangements of 
the Hawaiian Islands treaty to even sacrifice the great political and 
naval advantages which that treaty gives to us, situated as these 
islands are in the track of traffic between California and China, Japan 
and Australia ? 

And if we can not successfully compete in our own jurisdiction with 
foreign manufacturers, excepting by the aid of prohibitory or imped- 
ing tariff rates, I am at a loss to understand how our commissioners to 
the proposed conference can convince Mexico or Brazil or the Republics 
of Central and South America that we can, in their jurisdiction, com- 
pete successfully against those same manufacturers and offer our prod- 
ucts at cheaper prices than European manufacturers can offer similar 
articles. 

So far as this bill (7267) endeavors to accomplish an increase of trade 
by the exchange of products between the people of our own United 
States and the people living under other governments on this continent 
(including the colonies hereon possessed by European governments) the 
object is one which deserves encouragement and success; but it may 
well be doubted whether such an object can be best promoted by inter- 
national conferences and treaty stipulations. So far as the welfare of 
our own Government is concerned, it is to be feared, as I have already 
said, that the deliberations of an international conference between the 
representatives of this Government and of other independent govern- 
ments established and having the seat of authority on this continent, 
would be in danger of injurious interference, so far as this Government 



327 



is concerned, by the intrigues of those in Europe who are the holders 
of so large a part of the indebtedness of Central American or South 
American States. 

It is true that the trade and commercial intercourse now existing 
between foreign peoples on this continent and other peoples are not 
altogether carried on with ourselves. The following statements will 
exhibit the population of the independent states on this continent, 
including the colonial Dominion of Canada, and the relation of trade 
carried on by them with the United States to the trade carried on by 
them with Great Britain, and the vessels in which it is carried on : 



Population 2,400,000 



Exports to Great Britaiu . . $5. 7113. 90". 
Imports from Great Kritain 29. 092. -."i", 
Exports to United States 4,3\!8,.-,io 

Imports from United States . 4,317.293 



Brazil. 



10.108,291 2,900,000 2, loo. 390 



$23,507, 10.-, Slj.52ll.950 $12,977, 4115 

33,910,215 | 4,024.500 11, ,880 

(5,263,660 | 6, 109.001 604,525 

7,317,293 2.702.531 2,211,007 





Mexico. 


Peru. 


Venezuela 


Uruguay. 


Dominion 
of Canada. 




9.389, 101 


3,050,000 


2,075,245 


447,000 








Exports to Great Britain ... 
Imports from Great Britain . . 

Exports to United States 

Imports from United States . . 


$3,502,500 
5,415.765 
7.207.021 
8,340,784 


$10,414,170 

6,235,685 

1,763,890 

742, 105 


si. 300, 565 
3.1128.080 

6,309,580 

3, 043, 609 


s:i. 283, i',-::, 
8,131,640 
2,731.017 
1,682,443 


$45,558,555 
44,727,095 
89,000,000 

50,000,000 



Total values of free and dutiable merchandise imparted into theUnited 
States front ite.rico and Centra! and South America during the year 
ending June 30, 1885, with the estimated amounts of duty collected on 
such imports. 



Countries from which imported. 



Value of merchandise 



Free of 
duty. 



Estimated 
amounts 
of duty col- 
lected. 



Argentine Republic 



Chili 

Mexico 

Central American States 

United States of Colombia 

Venezuela 

Peru 

Brazil 

Uruguay 

Bolivia. Ecuador, Paraguay, and Pat- 
agonia 



.174.173 

205.001 

,093.580 

259.142 

6,994 

41,093 

15,2.58 

, 121. 109 

417,478 

289 



14,328,510 

604,525 

9,267,021 

0, (09,015 

2.312,077 
6,309,580 
1,764,890 

45, 203,00,0 



68,386 89 
6S5, 900. 72 
140,759.88 

1,714.08 

20,297.40 

5, 148. 06 

, 607, 377. 15 

255,480.80 

140.00 



Total. 



1,430, 308 13,341,128 



Per cent. 

Total value of merchandise free of duty 83.28 

Total value of merchandise subject to duty 16.72 

Equivalent ad valorem rate of duty on — 

Dutiable merchandise 10. 51 

Free and dutiable merchandise . . 60. 72 



328 



Statement showing the value of imports and exports of merchandise 
carried in American and foreign vessels, respectively, in the foreign 
trade of the United States with Mexico, Central America, the West 
Indies, and South America during the year ending June 30, 1885. 





Imports. 


Exports. 


Total. 


Countries. 


In Ameri- 
sels. 


In for- 
eign ves- 
sels. 


In Ameri- 
can ves- 
sels. 


In for- 
eign ves- 
sels. 


In Ameri- 
can ves- 
sels 


In for- 
eign ves- 
sels. 




S3, 748, 890 


42,841,767 


§4, 799, 254 


Jl, 560, 359 


S8, 548, 144 


§44,402,26 






Central American States 
and British Honduras . 


4,915,347 


1,712,028 


2,337,733 


751,551 


7,293,080 


2,466,579 


THE WEST INDIES. 

Cuba 

Brit ish West Indies 


28, 975, 822 

2,560.874 

2,590.135 

626,464 

1,311,746 

419,654 

233,479 

169,275 


13, 330, 371 

7, SI 12, 5i 17 

3.514,128 

1.841.972 

149,673 

727,861 

153, 189 

167,028 


8.074,752 
2. 58!), 694 
691.113 
1.080.26S 
937, 566 
752,205 
440.463 
435, 836 


931.408 
4.021,185 
S7M.092 
2,227.021 
19,135 
666, 76S 
226,379 
150,323 


37, 050, 574 
5.15U.50S 
3.2S1.24S 
1.1-06.750 
2,249.312 
1,171,859 
673, 942 
605,111 


14,261,679 

12,423.692 
4.392.22(1 


Hayti 


1 J71.993 


French West Indies 

Dutch West Indies 

Danish West Indies 


1.39-1.629 
379,568 
317,351 






27.689, 629llo, 001. 915 


9,750,311 


51,889,364 


37,439,940 








SOUTH AMERICA. 


10, 108, 298 

774,597 

4,357,892 

3,338.441 

496,594 

290,342 

390, 309 

811,245 

258,212 

1,803 

558, 224 


35, 155, 362 

1.567, 480 

1.951,68s 

990.064 

2,238.023 

314, 183 

531,045 

953, 645 

7,127 


3,681,883 

4,917,00! 

2,128.394 

2.513,71" 

382, 402 

1,581,687 

> 75, 886 

511,585 

277, 364 

81,184 

383,740 


3,635,410 
666,300 
915,215 
2,132.78) 
1,300,041 
629, 320 
764,771 
230, 520 
21,654 
29,660 
44,271 


13,790,181 


38. 790. 772 


United Stat esof Colombia 


5,691,066 2,233,780 
6.4S0.20K 2,866.903 


Argentine Republic 


5.KS2. nil 3. 122.850 
,■■ a . 8,638,064 


ci.iir ::::::::::::::::: 


1,872,029 943.503 




1,266,195 
1.322,83) 

585,576 
82,987 

941,964 


1,295.810 




1,184,165 


Dutch Guiana 


28,781 
29, 660 


All other South America. 


195,377 


239, 048 




21,385,962 


13.91)3,991 


17,364,909 


H>.0'i9.9|s 


38, 750, 871 


54,273,943 






Grand total 


66,937,648 


76,147,418 


39, 725, 72s 


22, 435. 169 


102,590,850 


98,582,587 



* In addition to the merchandise stated as imported and exported in vessels, mer- 
chandise to the value of s2,070,304 was imported, and merchandise to the value of 
$1,981,171 was exported "in cars and other land vehicles." 



Until there shall be a reform of our own laws of currency and taxa- 
tion, and a plan adopted that promises permanency, there will be. it is 
feared, little hope of a successful result of diplomatic negotiations with 
the neighboring governments on this continent looking to an increase 
of trade and commercial intercourse by them with ourselves. What 
reply could our representatives make to-day when asked what our policy 
about currency and taxation is to be ? The theory of our existing tariff 
legislation is that our own manufacturers can only be saved alive against 
foreign competition by preventing, through a custom-house tax, on 
nearly every completed manufacture our own people from buying a 
similar fabric in a foreign country. That tariff legislation has, it is be 



329 

lieved. created the very evil which the proposed bill and one of the 
proposed joint resolutions would endeavor to remove. 

One of the difficulties with which we in the United States have now 
to contend is that, by reason of our present tariff laws, we can not in 
our own workshops compete with European manufacturers, notwith- 
standing the great advantage we have from the efficiency of better paid 
and better educated labor. So long as such tariff laws shall be main- 
tained it is not believed that any diplomatic negotiations will enable the 
United States to do in the Dominion of Canada, or in Mexico, or in 
Central America, or in South America what we can not do at home — 
which is to compete with European manufacturers. Freedom to buy 
in these communities we now have, and we can enlarge its use to any 
degree, but freedom to sell to those co umunities we can only enlarge 
by producing equally good articles which we will sell at least as cheaply 
as our European competitors. All schemes whatever for retaining a 
protective system and gaining foreign markets are impossible of suc- 
cess, no matter how many railways we may build or steam-ships we may 
subsidize. It will be seen from the statistics already given that a large 
part of the products of our neighbors to the south of us are now ad- 
mitted at our custom-houses free of duty, but the difficulty of increas- 
ing the exports of our manufactured products to those countries re- 
mains, because our protective tariff inflicts what, owing to the increased 
cost of manufacture, is in effect an export ta c upon our products, which 
frustrates the efforts of our enterprising and inventive people to have 
more complete possession of the neighboring markets upon this con- 
tinent. 

The annual report of Secretary Manning to Congress, and his subse- 
quent communications on currency, taxation, and tariff reform, together 
with the recent report of the Bureau of Labor, clearly indicate how 
and when a removal of the existing business depression is to come. A 
rehabilitation of silver and a restoration of the o'.d price of that metal 
by open mints for all comers bringing gold or silver; free coinage of 
full legal-tender coins of both metals on an international ratio contem- 
plated by the second section of Mr. island's law of is;,x, and endeav- 
ored to lie promoted by Secretary Bayard; a sound system of finance; 
and a wise adaptation of the burden of taxation to the back that must 
bear it.will do more to open markets for our products in South America 
than will any diplomatic negotiations to be carried on by the President, 
and should precede such attempted negotiations. 

Perry Belmont. 

THE SENATE BILL AS ORIGINALLY PASSED. 

On the 6th of May Senator Frye reported from the Com- 
mittee on Foreign Relations of the United States Senate 
the following bill as a substitute for several similar meas- 
ures which had been referred to that committee. 



380 

A BILL to promote the political progress and commercial prosperity of the American 
nations. 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United 
States of America in Congress assembled, That the President be, and 
he hereby is, authorized to invite, on behalf of the Government and 
people of the United States, delegates from each of the Republics of 
Mexico, of Central and South America, Hayti, San Domingo, and from 
the Empire of Brazil, to assemble in Washington on the first day of 
October, eighteen hundred and eighty-seven, or as soon thereafter as 
practicable, to meet delegates on the part of the United States, to con- 
sider such questions and recommend such measures as shall be to the 
mutual interest and common welfare of the American states. 

Sec. 3. That in forwarding the invitation to the constituted authorities 
of the several independent Governments of the American hemisphere, 
the President of the United States shall set forth that the conference is 
called to consider — 

First. Measures that shall tend to preserve the peace and promote the 
prosperity of the several American states. 

Second. Measures toward the formation of an American customs 
union, under which the trade of the American nations with each other 
shall, so far as is possible and profitable, be promoted. 

Third. The establishment of regular and frequent communication 
between the ports of the several American states and the ports of each 
other. 

Fourth. The establishment of a uniform system of customs regula- 
tions in each of the independent American states to govern the mode 
of importation and exportation of merchandise and port dues and 
charges, a uniform method of determining the classification and valu- 
ation of such merchandise in the ports of each country, and a uniform 
system of invoices, and the subject of the sanitation of ships and quar- 
antine. 

Fifth. The adoption of a uniform system of weights and measures, 
and laws to protect the patent rights, copyrights, and trade-marks of 
citizens of either country in the other, and for the extradition of crim- 
inals. 

Sixth. The adoption of a common silver coin, to be issued by each 
Government in such an amount proportionate to the population of each 
as may be determined upon, the same to be legal- tender in all com- 
mercial transactions between the citizens of all of the American States. 

Seventh. An agreement upon and recommendation for adoption to 
their respective Governments of a definite plan of arbitration of all 
questions, disputes, and differences that may now or hereafter exist 
between them, to the end that all difficulties and disputes between such 
nations may be peaceably settled and wars prevented. 

Eighth. And to consider such other subjects relating to the welfare 
of the several states represented as may be presented by any of said 
states. 



331 

Sec. 3. That the sum of one hundred thousand dollars, or so much 
thereof as may be necessary, is hereby appropriated, out of any money 
in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, the same to be disbursed 
under the direction and in the discretion of the Secretary of State, for 
expenses incidental to the conference. 

Sec. 4. That the President of the United States shall appoint, by and 
with the advice and consent of the Senate, twenty-four delegates to 
said conference, who shall serve without compensation other than their 
actual necessary expenses, of whom at least three shall be learned in 
international law, and the remainder men who are actively engaged 
in agriculture, manufacturing, and the exportation and importation of 
merchandise. 

Sec. 5. That the Secretary of State shall appoint such clerks as may 
lie necessary, and provide for the publication by the Public Printer of 
so much of the proceedings of the conference, in both the English and 
Spanish languages, as the conference may acquire. 

REPORT OF THE SENATE COMMITTEE. 

This bill was accompanied by the following report : 



[To accompany bill S. 2362.] 

Your Committee on Foreign Relations, to whom was referred Senate 
bill 1616 — a bill " to promote the political progress and commercial 
prosperity of the American nations" — have considered the same, and 
report the accompanying bill as a substitute therefor, with a favorable 
recommendation. 

Your committee annex and make a part of their report the accom- 
panying statements of the United States commissioners to South and 
Central America, made before them, together with certain extracts 
from the testimony taken by said commissioners in their investigation. 

[Remarks of S. O. Thacher before the sub-committee of the Committee on Foreign 
Relations upon the bill introduced by Hon. William P. Frye, entitled "An act to 
promote the political progress and commercial prosperity of the American na- 
tions. "] 

Mr. Chairman : The measure before the committee is in part the out- 
growth of the act of Congress of July 7, 1884, providing for a Commis- 
sion to the States of Central and South America for the purpose of 
ascertaining the best modes of promoting more intimate international 
and commercial relations between those countries and our own. 

Having filled as well as I could the position of commissioner under 
that law to those countries, you have kindly invited me to place before 
you the results of my observations so far as the same are applicable to 
the proposed legislation. 



332 

In the final report of that commission I have at some length en- 
deavored to gather into a readable review the most obvious reflections 
flowing from the long journeys and many interesting interviews with 
the leading officials, merchants, and educated men in those parts. To 
what I have there said I now add such observations as seem to me per- 
tinent to the question before the committee. 

ITS IMPORTANCE IN SOLVING THE INDUSTRIAL PROBLEM. 

The question before the committee is one whose magnitude and far- 
reaching importance can not be too earnestly considered. 

It brings into view quest ions affecting our own welfare as a nation, 
casting light upon the solution of a grave and ever urgent problem. 
The industrial outlook of our land is not one of entire sunshine. There 
are more laborers than there is work for them to do. Where one man 
is discharged from almost any of the manual occupations there waits 
one to take his place. 

The inflow of laborers from other lands to this is no more a. great 
need. In every department of industrial Life there is production be- 
yond consumption. Labor is struggling to hold its position, and is 
fearful of being displaced or of losing its present ground. The prod- 
ucts of farm, shop, and factory were never, within the memory of this 
generation, so low as they are now. In some branches of production 
there is a slight reaction from the paralysis of the past, but on the 
whole, as never before, our future growth, peace, and tranquillity de- 
pend on finding more consumers for what we have to sell. In this 
measure there is an effort to open to our producers of agricultural and 
manufactured wealth an adequate market. 

In vain do we turn our eyes to any other part of the world for a 
people who at once need and are willing to take from our farms, looms, 
forges, and wells of mineral oils that which we are able to produce and 
spare. The nations of Central and South America offer not alone the 
most alluring and most profitable markets whereby to relieve our ex- 
cessive productions, but there is no other field. 

The statesman who shall secure that great region so contiguous, so 
easily reached, and so prolific in wants, for the easy disposition of our 
merchandise, will be entitled to the highest commendation. 

Labor can be constantly employed at fan - wages when what it pro- 
duces can be sold at a fair profit. This condition failing, the whole 
fabric of society suffers alarm. There is no crying need of legislation 
to reconcile one element of our social progress with another when there 
is employment for all who are willing to labor at a remunerative com- 
pensation. 

It seems clear to me that the relations between employer and employe 
will readily adjust themselves when the venture to which each con- 
tributes is one of gain and not of loss. And no law can produce har- 
mony between labor and capital when the enterprise which enlists both 
proves disastrous. 



333 

The easy way and the only way out of the complications and disap- 
pointments that yearly are being intensified by the diminishing profit- 
ableness of all our industrial enterprises is to seek that market which 
so cordially invites us, and from which with strange fatuity we have 
for the last twenty-five years averted our thoughts. 

The statistics time and again have been brought before the public, 
and have at much length been represented in the first general report of 
the Commission to Central and South America, showing how dismally 
meager is our trade with those countries, which once were our well- 
pleased customers, and with win mi we could most easily re-establish 
our former friendly and profitable relations. There is no need of en- 
larging on this point. It presses itself upon the thoughtful considera- 
tion of every law -maker as well as upon the whole people. 

A very inter sting summary of our trade and that of other nations 
with Central and South America was published by the Treasury De- 
partment in January of last year. It is a brochure comprising state- 
ments Nos. 17 to 41, inclusive, of the quarterly report No. 1, series 
issi-'s."), of the Chief of the Bureau of Statistics. Its preparation, Mr. 
Nimmo says, grew out of the recent demand for information by Sen- 
ators, Representatives, and others interested in the trade of those coun- 
tries. To the condensed statistics there presented I can not add any- 
thing of value except such statements as pertain to subsequent trade 
relations. These are not within my reach. 

Peace, progress, and the manifold blessings of contented producing 
classes wait on the footsteps of any measure that shall insure to our 
laborers, our farmers, and our manufacturers a fair chance in the mar- 
kets of Central and South America. To-day they are nearly closed 
against them. The causes of this denial to our people of an easy access 
to those natural depots for our surplus products havebeen set out very 
fully in the various reports the Commission to those nations has sub- 
mitted, and which I learn will in a few days be received by Congress 
from the Government Printing House. In them and in the many state- 
ments subjoined to each of them will be found the remedies for the 
deplorable state of trade in those parts. 

Farther on I will briefly advert to these causes ; I only now state the 
fact. 

INTERNATIONAL ASPECT OF THE MEASURE. 

But the proposed measure rises to a higher plane than that of merely 
seeking a rich and permanent outlet for our surplus products. It pro- 
poses to secure the " political progress" as well as the "commercial 
prosperity " of those countries and our own. And yet in accomplish- 
ing this nobler end we shall certainly contribute to the success of the 
other. 

I can not on this point say more than quote from the final report 
before mentioned: 



334 

" Tlie scope of our mission, as defined by the act of Congress creat- 
ing it, embraced an inquiry into ' the best modes of securing more in- 
timate international and commercial relations between the United 
Static and the several countries of Central and South America.' 

•• In the course of our inquiries we became convinced that it is quite 
as axiomatic that commerce derives support and promotion from 
friendly political relations as that trade quickens international unity. 
They mutually aid each other. Whatever tends to bring into kindly 
accord the diplomatic interests and aims of our country and those 
of our American neighbors, whatever unifies our national purposes, 
benefits commerce. Mutual confidences in matters of state foster 
equal trusts in business transactions. Peoples held together in close 
political relations naturally have a greater faith in the fidelity of the 
products of each other. Confidence lies at the basis of every business 
operation and of every national compact; and where it is found want- 
ing in one, it will not be strong in the other. 

" Necessity or profit may force trade into a channel of a purely busi- 
ness character, where international respect or fellowship is slight, but 
commerce flourishes much more naturally and vigorously under the 
protecting care of faithful and constant national harmony and concord. 
The disruption of friendship between nations is a disaster to their mut- 
ual trade interests. As we write this report the Spanish people, at 
home and in the colonies, are resolving against trade with Germany 
because of the supposed affront in the seizure of the Caroline Islands. 
Other things being equal, trade will be facilitated by warm interna- 
tional ties; wise an 1 just diplomacy will aid the merchant and trader 
as much, at least, as they in turn can promote friendly international 
relations." 

OUR EXAMPLE FOLLOWED. 

That nations exert an unconscious influence as well as individuals is 
remarkably illustrated in the history of the Republics of Central and 
South America. 

A people far removed from us by ethnic conditions and civil and re- 
ligious training, dwelling in cities whose foundations were laid by Cor- 
tez, Alvarado, Pizarro, Valdivia, and Mendoza a century before Ply- 
mouth Rock, and twice that period ere Bunker Hill and the Declara- 
tion of Independence, turned their eyes toward our great example, and 
for themselves, after heroic sacrifice, destroyed the rule of the rapa- 
cious and exacting viceroy, severed the ties of colonial dependence, 
and erected on the ruins of foreign customs and impositions govern- 
ments in imitation of our own. 

OUR INDIFFERENCE. 

Yet during all the subsequent years our country has, until recently, 
turned an icy look upon these struggling Republics and our diplomacy 
has been no whit warmer or more friendly towards them than it has 
towards the several despotisms of the Eastern Hemisphere. 



335 

While we have been a conspicuous propagandist of democratic insti- 
tutions by our deeds and self-deli verarance and aggrandizement, we have 
neglected to aid by sympathy and counsel those who were eagerly hop- 
ing for them. 

Overtures for a more kindly fraternity have been treated by us with 
silence, and an effort on the part of these people to draw near to us in 
more rapid and certain communications have been met by cold indiffer- 
ence. 

DESIRES FOR A CONVENTION. 

The wonder remains that notwithstanding all this neglect to culti- 
vate and encourage those nations they still admire our greatness ami 
long for a nearer bond of union and fellowship. Every line of the re- 
ports of the many conferences held by the Commission with the repre- 
sentative men of those nations shows how fervently and with what 
glad surprise our overture for a convention of all the nations of the 
American Continent was welcomed. 

ATTITUDE op en ILL 

An exception may possibly be noted in the case of Chili. Yet I think 
that as that Government exhibited an unwonted desire to have realized 

two objects tol nsidered in such a conference, and which can be 

more readily attained through it than in any other way, namely, the ad< >] >- 
tion of a common silver coin which shall be current in all the countries 
of the Western Hemisphere, and also the promotion of direct, speedy, 
and frequent steam navigation between the ports of North and South 
America, I conclude that at the proper time Chili will not only assent to 
such a convention, but will be represented there by men of large states- 
manship. 

It may be well to say that there were three things that gave to the 
mission to Chili less of warmth than it received in other states. Chili 
justly regards itself as the most important power on the South Pacific 
coast. In the interview I had with the President and his cabinet he 
remarked that the course his Government should take on the matters 
brought forward by me would be followed by the other powers of that 
coast, and that consultation with them was needless. It happens that 
Chili was the last instead of the first nation visited on the Pacific. 
Again, the letter accrediting the Commission mentioned three per- 
sons as being sent to Chili with the highest diplomatic rank : of the 
three only one appeared. The President declined to recognize the tele- 
graphic permission sent by Mr. Bayard to the secretary of the Com- 
mission, Mr. ( lurtis, to act as commissioner for Ecuador, Peru, and ( 'liili. 
Here, too, was a cause of irritation and some embarrassment. To this 
must be added, as Iwas informed by our minister, Mr. Logan, a certain 
coolness growing out of the apprehension that with the change of ad- 
ministration in our country would come an earnest effort by our Gov- 
ernment tc enforce upon Chili the payment of various claims of our 



336 

countrymen for alleged losses suffered by them in the war between Chili 
and Peru. I believe to these apparently minor matters was owing the 
somewhat defensive and non-committal attitude of ( 'hili. 

I have no doubt of there being present at the convention when called 
by our country representatives from every one of the western powers, 
ami that these delegates will be men of great weight at home in all 
the matters affecting their foreign relations. 

OPINIONS OF LEADING MEN. 

To be persuaded of this I need only quote utterances of the public 
men of those lands on the relations that do or should obtain between 
their country and ours. 

In 1879 the executive power of the Argentine Republic sent to Con- 
gress a message urging a subsidy to be granted to establish a line of 
steamers between the ports of the La Plata and our own. In it occurs 
the following passage : 

" The executive power considers it useless to dilate on the considera- 
tions upon the advantages of a direct communication with the most 
powerful commercial and free nation that has best realized the forms 
of government that we have accepted, following precisely its example. 
This other market that opens itself is a new interchange for the men, 
the ideas, and the products.'' 

The President of Chili, in responding to the address I made at the time 
I was presented to him, among other things, said as follows : 

" The extraordinary progress of the United States, independent of the 
advantage gained by the extension of its area, of its geographical posi- 
tion, and the elements which constitute its social organization, is due 
to the liberal institutions under which the people are governed, and by 
which it has been proven that the free people are those that really pros- 
per, and are the only ones that have peace as the essential condition of 
material, intellectual, and moral progress. 

"The South American Republics when they made themselves free 
had in the northern zone an authority they could consult and an exam- 
ple they could follow. If owing to reasons which are well understood 
they could not copy the edifice you have framed, they have always en- 
deavored at least to inspire in their own people the ideas which have 
enabled you to advance so resolutely on the road of human liberty and 
progress. If on this road so happily trodden the American constellation 
has added to its stars, it is also true that the southern star, follow- 
ing with no less certainty in the same heavens, and pursuing the same 
purpose, shines to-day with greater splendor and shows that we have 
not been amiss in seeking the path to glory, liberty, and prosperity." 

Not less earnest and admiring were the words of the President of 
Guatemala, as witness the following from his response of welcome to 
our mission : 

" It is the source of the greatest gratification to me to receive from 



337 

your hands the autograph letter by which his excellency the President 
of the United States has accredited you as envoys extraordinary and 
ministers plenipotentiary to my Government. From the very begin- 
ning we have embraced with the greatest ardor the plan of the American 
< longress to send a commission to the Spanish-American Republics for 
the purpose of securing more intimate and friendly relations between 
them all. 

" Such a noble and elevated purpose can not but have the sincerest 
sympathy and co-operation from all those who desire the progress of 
the several nations of the New World, so that in having the honor to 
receive you and give you a most affectionate welcome, it is gratifying 
to be able to assure you that you will find on the part of the Govern- 
ment and the people of Guatemala a sincere disposition to aid hi the 
success of your most important mission. 

" The grand Republic of the United States is the natural market for 
the different products we export, and they should find in your rich and 
populous country consumers who are able to send us in return the great 
variety of their agricultural and mechanical products with benefit to 
the producers and consumers of both countries. 

• ' Guatemala has always endeavored to maintain the greatest harmony 
with the nations which honor us with their friendship, and it has 
always endeavored very especially to strengthen more and more the 
cordial relations which have forever existed between this country and 
the United States, so that when you come, vested with an exalted duty 
by the grand American Government, inspired with the benevolent sen- 
timents which you have just uttered, I have the honor to congratulate 
myself upon your arrival, and promise to leave nothing undoie to 
make your visit a success, and enter into bonds with you to unite more 
closely two peoples which by their analogous institutions, by their 
geographical positions, and many other circumstances and considera- 
tions, should establish a more active and lucrative commerce." 

Without wearying you with these iterations of the desire of the 
American peoples visited by the Commission to realize such results as 
are proposed in this measure, I will content myself by adding the fol- 
lowing from the President of Mexico, a most progressive and enlight- 
ened statesman : 

"Mr. Commissioner Thacher then quoted the instructions of the 
Secretary of State relating to an international congress of delegates 
from the several nations of the American hemisphere, and asked the 
views of President Diaz as to the practicability of such a congress and 

111 "i ii as io the topics n hicli ii ihould consider. 

T - thi Pri iidt ni i 'i i . ph. ,i ti, ,t bhi uggt H i m 

and hid many times been considered by the Mexican Government, 
which he believed had always favored it. He recited his recollection 
of the several attempts made in this direction, beginning with Bolivar's 
plan of 1834, and the attitude presented on each occasion by the several 
administrations in his own country, showing great familiarity with 
563a— VOL 4 23 



338 

the history of the proposition. He said he had always hoped such an 
international congress would be some time held, as he believed great 
good could be accomplished if all the American Republics would con- 
sent to send delegates to meet upon an equal footing and agree upon 
measures for the common welfare. 

" The chief object to be discussed at such a gathering would natu- 
rally be a method of arbitration by which international differences 
could be peacefully adjusted, and another, equally important, was to 
confine American trade, so far as possible, to American nations." 

I venture on one more quotation ; it is a paragraph from the response 
of the President of Venezuela : 

" I respond in the most frank and cordial manner to the expressions 
of good-will of your Government, and I view the very elevated object 
of your mission from the stand-point of its great importance. 

"Venezuela and the United States have the same institutions, the 
same history. They produced the immortal George Washington, " the 
first in the hearts of his countrymen," and Venezuela produced the im- 
mortal Bolivar, the father of five republics, freed by the impulse of 
stupendous efforts. Both of them honored by the recognition of the 
two confederacies, they are to-day the faithful representatives of the 
association of our interests and aspirations— equality before the law 
and the truth of democracy. 

"With these lofty motives the people of the New World aspire by 
union to seek the development of their industrial and commercial pros- 
perity and to cement the alliance of views and intents in the reign of 
equity and the empire of justice." 

EFFICACY OF PROPOSED LEGISLATION. 

The twofold object unfolded in the title of this bill will, I conceive, 
in a large degree be realized by its enactment. 

The historic fact that our example has led to the creation of repub- 
lics striving to realize our progress and destiny imposes upon us a 
different relation to those peoples than that which we hold to other 
nations. This is intensified by the propinquity of these constitutional 
governments and by the further consideration that while we have for- 
borne <nving them much aid or comfort in the past, we have quite em- 
phatically repeated our objection to the acquisition by any European 
power of any territory in the western hemisphere. 

It is that relation that this measure proposes to exalt in the eyes of 
the world— to give it form, expression, and efficacy— to assume for the 
greatest Republic on earth, if not the greatest nation, a significance 
and moral power toward those states which have found in her ante- 
cedents and marvelous development a model for their own institutions, 
heretofore forgotten or neglected. 

The proposed law is a lofty recognition of the truth that no nation 
with a republican form of government can live to itself alone, 



339 

It is this international aspect of the proposed congress that will draw 
the attention of mankind to its deliberations, and will make it in many 
respects the most remarkable if not most important assemblage the 
\m »rld has ever seen. Its benign objects, when contrasted with those 
of other national conferences where the repression of human liberty 
and progress were the bonds of the confederating potentates, will add 
to its work dignity and crown its conclusions with the wreath woven 
for that which ennobles and enlarges humanity. 

DIFFERENT PROPOSITIONS OF THE BILL. 

The first and seventh propositions of the bill are those on which ter- 
ritoral integrity and national tranquillity depend. The mind at once 
sees how impossible national dismemberment or aggressive wars would 
be under the provisions foreshadowed in these suggestive topics. 

Peace is the imperative need of these Spanish republics. The tyranny 
of the mother country is so recent, and it burned so deeply into the 
subjected provinces, that their chief national dislike is the country 
whence came the viceroys and rulers over them. But with the disap- 
pearance of the Spanish yoke there rose military rulers, and for a time 
the army made presidents and cabinets. 

A government founded on universal and intelligent suffrage can imr 
even yet be said to be fully realized in some of the Latin nations of 
this hemisphere. 

Against violent measures of any kind these provisions of general con- 
cord would be powerful defenses. 

SAME RESULT AIDED BY PERSONAL KNOWLEDGE OF OUR INTERIOR LIFE. 

It is in this direction that a great educating force would be brought 
to l>ear upon the delegates from our sister States by a sojourn in our 
midst under the hospitable welcome of our Government. 

Our schools, our higher institutions of learning, our religious life, 
where church and state are totally independent of each other, our in- 
dustral pursuits and growths, our systems of internal improvements. 
in fine all that intense personal freedom of thought and action out of 
which has grown our present commanding position, would profoundly 
impress our visitors and they would carry back to their own lands 
new views and purposes. 

The result would be the same, in part at least, as that I pointed out in 
the final report as following the education of their young men in our 
midst: 

" Every year there are delegations of young men from each republic 
finding educational homes anil advantages in the schools of Europe, 
whence they bring back at least far less accurate ideas about and love 
for American institutions than they would were they returning from 
our colleges or higher schools of learning. A number of young men 
from each republic, ingenious and eager for mental improvement and 



340 

education, annually educated in our midst, familiarized with our pro- 
gressive life, the spirit of our laws, the genius of our institutions, and 
the comprehensiveness of our energy, would, in a few years, make a 
marked change in the knowledge their people have of the United 
States. 

" They now admire our greatness, but then they would revere the 
benign principles; the complete tolerance, and the singleness of pur- 
pose and aim on which the whole superstructure of American growth, 
power, and welfare rests. They would feel that the impulses of 
equality, religious toleration and independence, and the isolation of 
Government from all aims save those essential to the protection of the 
person and property of the people, were the secrets of a power and 
elevation their countrymen so much applaud. They would be mission- 
aries returning to their countrymen with the story of our people, life, 
and achievements, and holding them up for imitation. 

" They would speak of the filling of the great offices of state by a free, 
uncoerced ballot, and the quiet acquiescence of 55,000,000 of people in 
the will of the majority, however narrow that might be. What more 
powerful argument could they bring against the too frequent revolu- 
tions in those States that follow their recurring national elections ? 

" They would point their countrymen to school-houses in the small- 
est rural district of the great Republic as in the most populous wards 
of its thronged cities, to the schools of art, technology, industrial pur- 
suits, and classical and scientific acquisitions, whereby the blessings of 
a free education are brought within the reach of the poorest child in 
the land. They would tell their people of a state where every form of 
religious faith is protected but not supported by law, and yet where 
the spires of churches, temples, and cathedrals rise above the roofs of 
every city and the groves of every village, hamlet, and neighborhood, 
scarcely out of sight of the traveler as he passes from ocean to ocean. 
"What stronger motives for the independence of the church and the edu- 
cation of the masses could they place before their patriotic country- 
men ? " 

To this end the delegates should be shown our great centers of trade 
and business, our manufactories and our appliances for agricultural de- 
velopment, and be afforded by extended tours from the Atlantic to the 
Pacific coast, from the lakes to the Gulf of Mexico, an opportunity to 
behold on a grand scale the workings of our elastic institutions. 

CUMMEROIAL FEATURES OF T£LE UTLL. 

Turning to the other details of the proposed law, we find they tend 
to one point — the promotion of trade, the building up of commercial 
interests by and between the consulting Governments. 

This aspect of the matter opens a wide field of inquiry and in some 
degree of speculation. 

The peculiarities of the Latin race in America lead 'taway from man.- 



341 

ufacturing pursuits. Valencia centuries ago imported wool from Eng- 
land and returned it in cloths, but the process is now reversed. 

Great Britain manufactures for the world, and Spain, with all the col- 
onics she planted, contributes to her commercial supremacy. 

In Spain there is cheap fuel and plenty of water-power. In Spanish 
America, from Mexico to Magellan, there are few coal-fields, but almost 
everywhere flowing streams, furnishing the cheapest and most abundant 
power. 

Guatemala. Costa Rica, the western slopes of the Andes, Uruguay, 
and portions of the Argentine Republic have unfailing and enormous 
stores of this easily-used motor. Yet in Costa Rica 1 saw only two 
water-driven mills : in Guatemala there were a few more: yet not one- 
thousandth part of the water-power was utilized. The Himac for nearly 
70 miles is a dashing cascade, with only a tannery, a brewery, and 
possibly a few other industries at Lima holding in check for a few 
minutes its rushing flood. 

Chili in the Mopocho and the Maipo lias powerful streams, and hun- 
dreds of smaller water-courses find their way to the ocean. 

The report from Uruguay calls attention to its internal water-power, 
and the statements submitted with the report from the Argentine Re.- 
public show how immense is the water-power in the Gran Chaco 
region. 

We must conclude, then, that the want of manufactured products in 
these countries grows out of either or both of two causes: the one a 
disinclination to take up the patient, stead} routine of daily toil neces- 
sary to successful manufacturing, and the other a greater profitable- 
ness in other more congenial pursuits. 

Without dwelling o i the point. I may say that it is safe to aver that 
these countries will for years he great consumers of foreign manfact- 
ured goods. 

In Chili the war with Peru demoralized the soldiers, many of whom 
were taken from the ordinary pursuits, and, returning from their con- 
quest, failed to take up the peaceful avocations they left: and vet Chili 
is beyond doubt in manufactories the New England of South America. 
The special report on this country fully covers this question. 

In any trade relations we may establish with those countries we may 
reasonably count on the permanence of the demand for our goods. 

OUR COMPETITORS. 

The larger portion of the commerce we are seeking has been in the 
hands of Great Britain, but of recent years another, and what promises 
to be a more formidable rival, has come to the front. 

The German manufacturers, intrenched behind encouraging and pro- 
tecting legislative walls, have pushed their products far beyond the 
home demand. Always sure of their own market without competitii >n, 
they have turned their unflagging energies to secure centers of trade in 



342 

the Western Hemisphere. They are clever imitators of every new in- 
vention, of every improved machine, ; nd of many of the most useful 
and popular goods produced in the United States. They send out 
counterfeits of the famous "Collins" wares, even to the very brand; 
they make mowers and agricultural implements as nearly like ours as 
possible. Our sewing-machines are copied by these people, and the 
imitations are palmed off on the South American trade as coming from 
the United States. The character and ways of these new rivals for the 
trade of our neighbors is thus graphically portrayed by our former 
consul-general in Mexico. Mr. Strother, and I may add that what the 
German is in Mexico he is in all the other Central and South American 
nations. 
General Strother says: 

" For the rest it will still remain with American manufacturers and 
merchants to solve the question of successful competition with their 
European rivals, the most formidable of whom at present are the Ger • 
mans, whose commercial establishments are more substantially planted 
and more widely extended than those of any other foreign nation. 
And it may be well here to note their methods and the causes of their 
success. The German who comes to Mexico to establish himself in 
business is carefully educated for the purpose, not only in the special 
branch which he proposes to follow, but he is also an accomplished 
linguist, being generally able to converse and correspond in the four 
great commercial languages— German, English, French, and Spanish. 
His enterprise is usually backed by large capital in the mother coun- 
try. He does not come to speculate, or inflated with the hope of 
acquiring sudden fortune, but expecting to succeed in time by close 
attention, patient labor and economy, looking forward twenty, thirty, or 
even forty years for the realization of his hopes. He builds up his 
business as one builds a house, brick by brick, and with a solid founda- 
tion. He can brook delays, give long credits, sustain reverses, and 
tide over dull times. He never meddles with the politics of the coun- 
try; keeps on good terms with its governors, whoever they may be. 
He rarely makes complaints through his minister or consul, but if 
caught evading the revenue laws, or in other illegal practices, he pays 
his fine and goes on with his business. With these methods and char- 
acteristics, the German merchant generally succeeds in securing 
wealth and the respect of any community in which he may have estab- 
lished himself." 

In a conversation with the British minister, Sir Spencer St. John. 
in Mexco, he observed to me that the success of the Germans in deal- 
ing with the revenue officials and in pushing their trade had driven out 
of Mexico every wholesale English house, whereas the foreign com- 
merce was once largely in the hands of his countrymen. 

In passing -from this point we must not forget that notwithstanding 
all this copying of our productions by the German manufacturer, yet 
the deception deceives few, and that were the markets open to our 



34;! 

dealers the superior material, workmanship, and fidelity of our goods 
would defy all competition. 

The French, equally protected by home legislation and alive to the 
wants of the South American markets, are increasing their trade there. 

Indeed we must meet in the ports of our neighbors the wares of many 
of the European countries, all of which a re borne to their destination 
in vessels flying their own national ensign. 

STEAM-SHIPS A NECESSITY. 

This brings me to the pivotal point in all our efforts to secure those 
markets to ourselves. In round numbers $400,000,000 of imports are 
consumed annually in Central and South America. 

The volume each year rises in magnitude. Of this great business 
our country should enjoy at least three-fifths. 

I may be permitted on this point to repeat the observations I made 
in the final report. 

"Without the frequent and certain appearance of the flag of our 
country in the waters of these States there can be no strong interna- 
tional ties. "Out of sight, out of mind" is as certain of nations as of 
individuals. The ships of a country carry its sovereignty, its name, 
and its character to the ports of the world. "Intimate international 
relations" suggests association, an interchange of friendly offices, fre- 
quent communication, negotiation, intercourse. A friendship with an 
ocean ever rolling between the friends is a cold thing. The allies we 
seek in the western hemisphere, except Chili, are almost wholly with- 
out a mercantile marine. 

••If we would impress them witli the value of our friendship, lead 
them to look to us for sympathy in time of need, invite them to repose 
confidence in our sincerity for their welfare as nations, we must devise 
some way of frequent and easy communication. Isolation on our part 
will increase indifference. There is scarcely a maritime country of 
Europe whose flag on war-ships, steam and wind driven craft, is not 
better known in the waters of South America and along the Spanish 
Main than is that of our country. And yet there is no flag so welcome 
there as ours. 

"Our special reports have shown with what earnestness the people 
of the Republics we have visited in South America pressed upon us the 
necessity of establishing American steam-ship lines to increase trade, 
and to a willingness of those republics to contribute to their establish- 
ment. We shall not be called upon t< > furnish all the money necessary 
to enable the projected lines to compete with European merchantmen; 
for so desirous are those countries for regular and frequent steam-ship 
intercourse with us that we can relj upon their material aid to promote 
it. We believe that the adjustment and perfecting of the common 
enterprise between all the parties to the measure would of itself beget 
confidence and better acquaintance. 



344 

"A business enterprise promoted by the different countries would 
draw to it the patronage of the people of these lauds. Patriotism 
would aid in diverting trade to the new lines, and just as railroads 
sweeping over State boundaries in our country have tended to the uni- 
fication of the people of all the States, so would these messengers of 
oommerce promote better acquaintance with the good qualities of 
each among all the rest, and thereby foster nearer national as well as 
commercial ties. 

•• The concurrent testimony of all whom we have consulted, holding 
positions of influence or information, and the results of our own obser- 
vation in every port we- visited, demonstrate the futility of our efforts 
to promote trade in the desired direction, so long as freight and passage 
rates tell so heavily against us and so heavily in favor of our European 
competitors. 

•■ There is no reason to imagine we can regain the trade we once held 
in South America, or capture that now possessed by foreign nations, 
unless we adopt the same measures those countries employed to take 
that commerce from us and to keep it and its increase. We append to 
this report the answers to our inquiry sent to the several legations in 
Europe as to the amount paid by other countries to promote and main- 
tain steam-ship lines to the South American States. They show by 
what agencies the great volume of commerce of that continent is made 
to roll to European ports, and prove how useless will be our efforts to 
turn it unless we use means of equal significance and potency." 

I find the following in the Missouri Republican, of St. Louis, of the 
2d instant: 

"Important meeting. — The board of directors and transportation com- 
mittee met yesterday and adopted the following resolutions: 

"Resolved, That in the interest of the trade between the Mississippi 
Valley and the Central and South American States we recommend that 
direct mail communication be encouraged between the United States 
and those countries through the port of New Orleans, and that for the 
promotion of this object we urge upon our Congressmen, with those 
representing the other States in the Mississippi Valley, that Congress 
make liberal appropriation to subsidize any steam-ship line that will 
establish communic -a tii in between New Orleans and the countries named. 

"Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be forwarded to the vari- 
ous exchanges in the Mississippi Valley, and the Congressmen repre- 
senting the same, urging their hearty co-operation in this movement." 

No one can question the value to our country of the recommendations 
made by the St. Louis Board of Trade, and most emphatically is this 
true of the agricultural and manufactured products of that wide ex- 
panse comprehended in the Mississippi Valley. The course of trade in 
this vast region towards the ports of our neighbors is illustrated in the 
way hams manufactured in the Western packing-houses find that 
market. They are shipped to New York, thence to some English port ; 
there they are stripped of their American wrapping and brands, re- 



345 

wrapped and branded as of English make, and then shipped to some 
South American port, where they bring 50 cents per pound. 

Direct communication from New Orleans with the markets of the 
Spanish Main and of the South Atlantic coast, and theme to thos 
the Smith Pacific, would add large value to everything the great valley 
sends to those places. Flour, lumber, agricultural machinery, oils, pro- 
visions, and other articles directly affecting the welfare of the farmer 
and manufacturer would find a higher and Letter maket were the res- 
olutions of the St. Louis Board of Trade adopted by i longress. 

INTERNATIONAL QUARANTINE. 

But this stimulated service would fail of its best results if it was not 
supplemented by a far better and less vexation, system of quarantine 
both at New Orleans and the ports above mentioned than now exists. 

On this point I refer to that part of the address before the Commission 
at New Orleans of Maj. B. F. Hilder, found on page 377 of the report 
of the < lommission, at the second session of the Forty-eigthth Congress, 
Ex.. Doc. 526, and also to the still more exhaustive and most interesting 
paper of Dr. Joseph II,, It. president of the Louisiana board of health, 
found at page 382 and following pages of the same document ; also to 
the views of the Commission on the subject, foundat page431, together 
with the statement of Dr. Burgess, of Havana, on this question, found 
on page 433. 

It will be seen that unless some such system as that outlined by Dr. 
Holt can he adopted through international co-operation an almost in- 
superable barrier is erected against continuous steam communication 
between the entrepot of the great river and the ports southerly there- 
from. More or less yellow fever exists the year around in the ports of 
the Carribbean Sea. those of the South Atlantic as low down as Rio de 
Janeiro, and those of the South Pacific to Callao. 

Dr. Holt suggests a feasible way to preserve perfect sanitation oi the 
exposed ship, and SO obviate, save in very exceptional eases, any serious 
detention of it when it readies its destined port. 

ADDITIONAL TOPIl 

I venture to suggest to the chairman that to the topics already pro- 
posed for consideration by his hill he add one covering— 

"The best method of sanitating ships and cargoes going from in- 
fected ports, and of reducing the time of quarantine detent: 

And (I may as well here respond to the chairman's invitation to name 
topics for consideration other than those mentioned in his bill) the fol- 
lowing: To the fifth proposition a.ld. 'and for tl xtradition of crim- 
inals." 

To-day a refugee from justice, a Boston embezzler or forger, under 
an assumed name, publishes an American newspaper at Buenos Ayres. 

Xo wonder his presence in that city neither gives respect nor welcome 
to the character of American citizenship. 



346 

It might be well to ask the delegates to bring certain information as 
to the feasibility or advisability of effecting an all-railroad connection 
between all the nations; of carrying the steel highway from Mexico 
south until it meets the one being pushed north by the Argentine Re- 
public through the Gran Chalco and into the almost unvisited regions 
of eastern Bolivia and western Brazil. 

Again, I would add a general invitation to each country represented 
in the congress to present such different or more specific propositions 
than those mentioned as it felt inclined. 

VALUE OP UNIFORMITY IN CUSTOMS, LAWS, MONET, WEIGHTS, AND MEASURES. 

The propositions of the bill in the second, fourth, fifth, and sixth sub- 
divisions, if carried into general use, would facilitate trade between the 
nations, and, in fact, tend to an almost entire exclusion of European 
states from all such branches of commerce as could be carried on with- 
out them. 

This unity of com value, of weights and measures, and the uniformity 
of law touching exports and imports, would inevitably stimulate 'and 
enhance business ventures of all kinds between the states governed 
thereby. The reflections upon the effect of such uniformity are so 
obvious that they readily come to mind the moment the general propo- 
sition is named. In addition to those that he upon the surface, it may 
be stated that out of this uniformity would come on our part a closer 
study of the wan*s of the people whose trade we seek; the manufact- 
urer would, through branch houses and agents well versed in the 
language and habits of those countries, know what patterns, widths, 
lengths, styles, and character of goods his customers require. 

The doleful cry of faulty packing and reckless disregard of orders 
would not be heard. Bills of lading and invoices would utter a lan- 
guage familiar to all. The vexations of the custom-liouse would dis- 
appear. The measure of value would no longer be the sloilling of the 
English, the mark of the German, or the franc of the French, but it 
would be the dollar of the western hemisphere. 

Many difficulties and many years possibly stand in the way of this 
desired end. But great organizations of capital and labor fill the land 
with their gigantic forms. Why should not the same idea inform and 
guide the policies, international and commercial, of the American na- 
tions ? 

The call for this congress will meet a cordial response from the best 
men of those countries. Such statesmen as Ex- President Sarmiento. 
the father of the educational system of the Argentine Republic, Chan- 
cellor George Huennos, speaker of the house of representatives of 
Chili and the head of the National University at Santiago, and many 
more who might be named, will see in this international conference 
auguries of good, and good only, for the struggling republics of Cen- 
tral and South America. 



347 



LETTER OF MR. REYNOLDS. 

[Letter of Thomas C. Reynolds, presenting liis views on Senate bill 1616 "to promote 
the political progress and commercial prosperity of the American nations."] 

St. Louis. Mo., April T. 1886. 

Sir: Responding to the invitation with which, on behalf of the Senate 
Committee on Foreign Relations, you have honored me, I respectfully 
present my views on your Senate hill 1616 to promote the political pro- 
gress and commercial prosperity of the American nations. 

Each and all of the seven objects set forth in the second section of 
your bill are so clearly wise and statesmanlike that comment on them 
is superfluous. 1 therefore confine myself to making some suggestions 
concerning the modes in which, and the extent to which, those objects 
can lie attained. 

The meeting at Washington of a congress of delegates from all the 
independent nations of our hemisphere, for the consideration of those 
objects, will presenl peculiar advantages. Prepared for, by our reg- 
ular diplomatic and consular officials, it would present opportunities 
for the officials of our ( rovernment to be brought into direct communi- 
cation with delegates specially selected for the purposes of the congress. 
and those delegates would be in like- communication with our officials 
and with each other. 

The roundabout way oi communication by the regular diplomatic 
representatives of the « iovernments, or by a commission from our own. 
having constantly to report home for orders, would be avoided. A.free 
Interchange of opinions would lead in a very short time to practical 
conclusions, which it would require years to reach by the regular diplo- 
matic methods. 

It should he distinctly understood, and perhaps be in some way indi- 
cated in your bill, that the consent of all the Governments invited, to 
the congress will not be indispensable. Power should be given to the 

President to < voke it. should only some of the Governments invited 

send delegates to it. Diplomatic correspondence, and information here- 
tofore, would indicate that many of those States would, lor various 
reasons, decline the invitation. The countries south of the equator 
might find it best to form a customs union of their own. Should only 
the Governments of the Republics bordering on the Caribbean Sea and 
Gulf of Mexico— our American Mediterranean— unite in the congress, 
it should meet without awaiting the action of the other States. A cus- 
toms union of the latter, south of the equator, would finally gravitate 
to a like connection with our own part of tin' hemisphere, as South Ger- 
many did towards the customs union of North Germany. 

On the general subject of the congress, as well as in regard to the 
objects specified in the seven clauses of the second section of your bill, 
the rise and progress of the German customs union (zollverein) is prac- 
tically instructive. I have no authorities to which I can refer and 
must rely on my remembrance of observation and information .lin- 
ing several years' sojourn at German universities, at a period when that 



348 

union was in the course of development. It was composed at first of 
the Prussian dominions and a few minor contiguous States. As its ad- 
vantages became evident, other States joined it, under the influence not 
only of those advantages, but also of retaliatory tariffs against them by 
the union, and special favors offered to them by it. South Germany 
long held back, and my recollection is that its States first formed a cus- 
toms union of their own. The Hanseatic sea-ports (independent sov- 
ereignties) hesitated still longer. Indeed, I have an impression that the 
great commercial city of Hamburg is not yet completely included in 
the union. Sixty years or more have passed in bringing the union up 
to its present extent and importance. The causes or pretexts of the re- 
luctance to join it were mainly difference in tariffs, fear of injury to 
protected industries, and (to a formidable extent in bureaucratic Gov- 
ernments) the opposition of employes to a system which, as they be- 
lieved, would economize by abolishing their places. 

Similar causes may lessen the number of Governments which will 
accept the invitation to the Congress or unite upon plans to effect the 
objects mentioned in the bill ; but even should only a few be repre- 
sented in the Congress here, as in Germany, it will be the first step 
which costs, and afterwards like obstacles will be removed by like 
means. Should even but one State be willing to unite with us in car- 
rying out any of the objects mentioned in your bill, a beginning will 
have been secured, and, as in Germany, the adhesion of all the others 
to a complete commercial and customs union will be a question of 
time — probably of less than half a century. 

Taking by clauses the first section of your bill, I deferentially make 
these suggestions. 

CLAUSE FIRST. 

While a general assent may be expected to measures that shall tend 
to preserve the peace and promote the prosperity of the several Repub- 
lics and the Empire of Brazil, the exact definition of those to preserve 
the present integrity and territorial conditions of each as they exist 
against forcible dismemberment will meet with serious obstacles. 
Several Spanish-American States still have treaties mutually guaran- 
tying each other's territories; but they are not observed by any of 
them. Several, probably most, of the Spanish-American Republics 
and Brazil have questions of boundary to settle, and to do so existing 
territorial conditions of occupancy might have to be changed. To be- 
come a party to such questions, even by general or vague- declarations, 
might lead the United States into entangling engagements. Possibly 
these objects of this clause of your bill could be united with that men- 
tioned in section 7: "an agreement upon, and recommendation for 
adoption to the respective Governments, of a definite plan of arbitra- 
tion of all questions, disputes, and differences that may now or here- 
after exist between them." As to forcible dismemberment by any 
European power, the position of the United States is too well under- 



349 

stood, and satisfactory to the other American Governments, to need 

any agreement in the proposed Congress. 

CLAUSE SKI (INI). 

The final crowning result which the other objects of your bill would 
be contributory to, or even accompany, will be the fo niation of the 
American customs union proposed in this clause, ■■Under which the 
trade of the American nations shall, so far as is possible and profitable, 
be confined to American waters, and there shall be a free interchange 
of the natural and peculiar manufactured products of each." I assume 
that the interchange is to he of all products of each, as our commerce 
with the countries south of us will always naturally consist, to a very 
great extent, of our m mufactures in exchange for the products of their 
fields, forests, and mines. 

On the details of such a customs union, the honest collection and 
equitable distribution of the revenues from it. the measures for prevent- 
ing smuggling, the proper c onsideration of existing vested interests, the 
necessary navigation laws defining- the origin and ownership of vessels 
to which the trade is to be confined, and many other important matters, 
•I do not propose to write. But it may not be superfluous to make some 
observations on what may lie necessary to prepare for a customs union, 
and which in fact, to a limited extent, is such a union itself, viz. a reci- 
procity treaty. 

Among the means to secure more intimate commercial relations be- 
twi en the United States and the sever d countries of Central and Si >uth 
America, uggested in the first report of the Commission to those States 
(transmitted by the President to Congress on February 13, 1885, and 
printed as Ex. Doc. No. 226), were the following (p. 4) : •' Commercial 
treaties with actual and equivalent reciprocal concessions in tariff 
duties." As the words "actual and equivalent " were adopted at my 
suggestion, an explanation of their full fore- may not be superfluous. 
A stipulation in a treaty that certain products of one country shall be 
admitted free, or at a reduced duty, into another country, may, on 

paper, appear to offer a reciprocal concession for a like admissi f 

certain other products of the latter country into the former. Hut the 
seeming effect of it may be neutralized in various ways, so that it will 
be. to the one country or the other, not an actual concession Chief 
among those ways are, the existenceof treaties with other nations, plac- 
ing them on the footing of th< "mosi favored nation," export duties. 
home bounties, drawbacks, monopolies, and municipal or other local 
taxation. The skill of the diplomatist, aided bj information from con- 
suls, merchants, shippers, and other experts in the questions, should be 
exerted to frame the treaty so as to prevent the defeat of its real object 
by such collateral disadvantages and burdens. To explain them, or 
point out modes of removing them, severally, would unduly extend the 
length of this letter. 



350 

But one of them, the " must favored nation clause," deserves special 
consideration. It is understood that Great Britain . Germany, and prob- 
ably other countries, claim that a reciprocity treaty with the United 
States by a Spanish American country applies to them, under that 
clause in their treaties with the last-mentioned country, with the same 
effect as if their names had been in the treaty instead of or along with 
that of the United States. For example, should the United States, re- 
suming import duties on coffee, grant to Brazil freedom from them, on 
the "reciprocal concession" that flour and certain American manu- 
factures should be admitted free into that Empire, Great Britain, which 
consumes very little coffee of any kind, and probably none from Brazil, 
would claim the same freedom for her like manufactures. Thus, in re- 
turn for our being customers of Brazil, in coffee, to the amount of 
about $50,000,000 annually, Great Britain, offering no " equivalent " 
concession in fact, would still be able to drive (or, rather, keep) us out 
of the Brazilian market for those manufactures which she can supply 
more cheaply or with greater facility through her lines of steamers. 

After much thought on the subject, I have found no surer mode of 
making reciprocity " equivalent" than by expressing in the treaty it- 
self, and as a condition of it. the real object of every reciprocity treaty, 
the actual and equivalent increase of the commerce between the parties 
to it. For illustration, should the United States make a reciprocity 
treaty with Spain for certain concessions designed to increase our ex- 
ports to Cuba, in consideration of a reduction of our duties on Cuban 
sugars, the treaty should provide that that reduction should exist only 
as long as Cuba imported from the United States at least a certain fixed 
amount in value annually, and Spain might justly require a like condi- 
tion as to the annual amount of our impoi'ts of Cuban sugars. The 
custom-house returns of the two countries would readily fix the re- 
spective amounts, and the reciprocity of the treaty, whenever it ceased 
to be actual and equivalent, could be suspended by a proclamation of 
the President, on due notice to be provided for in the treaty. 

As it is undeniable, and even generally admitted, that the "most 
favored nation clause " entitles a country having the privilege of it to 
be merely " on all fours" with any other nation, and share the advan- 
tages of it only on the identical conditions accompanying them, such a 
proviso as that above mentioned would effectually block the diplomatic 
game which Germany is understood to have played upon us in Mexico, 
by claiming for herself the benefits of our recent reciprocity treaty with 
that Republic. Taking, in fact, no sugar and little tobacco or anything 
else from Mexico, she sagaciously offers to remit her duties on them, 
and claims for her exports to that Republic, mainly in manufactures, 
the same concessions it made to the United Siates in order to increase 
the exports of its own products to our country. With such a pro- 
viso as that above suggested, Germany would be beaten on her own 
diplomatic ground. Mexico would be obligated by the " most favored 
nation clause" only to offer to Germany the same treaty, mutatis mil- 



351 

tandis, her name taking the plan- of thai of the United States. A.s her 
imports from Mexico would not compare with ours, such a treaty 
would give her no actual advantage over us. So. also, with Cuba in her 
commerce with Germany, and probably, also, witu Great Britain and 
France. No one of those count lies (France and Germany making their 
own beet-root sugar, and Great Britain being supplied principally l>> 
her own colonies) would be able to take from Cuba the amount of 
sugars which would be the treaty "equivalent" for the concessions 
made to the United States. 

Another important consideration in deciding what kind of a reciproc- 
ity treaty to make, or whether to make it at all. is the effect it would 

havi some equally advantageous indirect trade. By driving out of 

some South American market some other country which trades with 
us. we may diminish the purchasing power of that countrj in our own 
markets, and increased indirect trade witli the former ma\ not com- 
pensate us for a loss of trade with the latter. In this connection, 
the effect of several misused terms is to be deprecated. Generally 
when our imports from and exports to any particular country do not 
balance al all, the very bad English is common of speaking of a "bal- 
ance of trade" for or against us. It is refreshing to notice that in the 
reports of our Bureau of Statistics that improper phrase is discarded, 
and the difference between exports and imports is described as an 
excess of one over the other. An excess of imports over exports in a 
particular venture may represent a gain, and not a loss. A familiar 
illustration is that of a Boston ship which, in former times, would take 
a cargo belonging to the ship's owner, worth, say. $100,000, to China, 
and return with one. also belonging to the same owner, worth twice 
the amount. The difference, being the returns for the expenses of the 
voyage, the profit in China on the original venture, and that in Boston 
on the return cargo, would be all gain. The same maj be the case 
witli the entire commerce of one country with another, as could be 
amply shown from the statistics of British trade with Asia, given in 
.Mr. Frelinghiiysen's letter on the "Commerce of the world." ( )l 
course, in some other special case it might be otherwise. 

Another very general error is to treat an excess of imports over ex- 
ports in our trade with a particular country as a difference which we 
pay in cash. This is rarely, if ever, the case. It is usually paid in ex- 
change on some other country, obtained by selling to it our own prod- 
ucts. Brazil affords a very fair illustration. We take from that Em- 
pire directly products many millions in value in excess of what we 
send directly to it. That excess is paid for by exchange on London, 
based on our exports of pro visions, cotton, etc.. and with that exchange 
the Brazilian pays for English manufactures to be sent to Rio. The in- 
direct trade may be different. The Englishman may sell his manufaci 
ures in Brazil, convert the proceeds directly, or indirectly by purchase 
of exchange, into coffee, with the proceeds of which in New York he 
purchases provisions to be sent to England. In either case the result 



352 

is the same. England gains some profit in exchange, as London is the 
world's money center, and in freights which her ships carry. But to 
the extent to which England is crippled in her sales to Brazil, her pur- 
chasing power in our provision markets may be diminished. 

Therefore, before making a reciprocity treaty, we should carefully 
consider, in each particular case, whether, even with the profits in ex- 
change and shipping in a direct trade, we may not be losing a more 
profitable commerce in a different direction, by diminishing the power 
of others of our regular customers to purchase products from us. 



"The establishment of regular and frequent lines of direct steam- 
ship communication between the ports of the United States and the 
ports of Central and South America " is unquestionably indispensable 
for the promotion of a direct trade between those ports. But to dis- 
cuss the modes of securing that communication would unduly lengthen 
this letter ; and besides to do so would be entirely superfluous, as every 
aspect of the subject has been fully presented in the statements of mer- 
chants and shippers, which accompany the reports of the commission 
to Central and South America. Whether encouragement to a direct 
trade be given by liberal mail contracts, direct subsidies, differential 
import and tonnage duties, bounties on ship-building, as in France, or 
even by a return to the navigation laws by which Cromwell transferred 
England's foreign carrying trade from Holland to herself, and which 
substantially constituted our own earlier legislation on the subject, two 
points seem to me clear. Equity would suggest that our citizens on the 
sea-board are as fully entitled to the expenditure of Government money 
over and above the receipts from postage, in encouraging foreign trade 
and intercourse, as our interior settlements are to similar expenditures 
to facilitate their correspondence with other parts of our own country. 
The benefits of the former expenditure would indirectly accrue to those 
settlements, as the latter does to our sea-board. In selecting fines for 
such expenditures, preference should be given to those which afford us 
the advantages of proximity and the existence of an already estab- 
lished commerce by sailing vessels or transient steamers. The histories 
of the American regular steam-ship line between New York and Vene- 
zuela, and that connecting the Isthmus of Panama and New York and 
San Francisco, are very instructive ; they have succeeded in building 
up direct American trade and almost excluding competition in it from 
foreign steamers, even from "tramps." 



■ • The establishment of a uniform system of customs regulations m 
each of the independent American States to govern the importation 
and exportation of merchandise, a uniform method of determining the 
classification and valuation of such merchandise in the ports of each 
country, and a uniform system of invoices," 



These are of great importance and even in a customs union would 
have to be considered : but they will be the most difficult to effect 
until after public sentiment shall have been fully prepared, in Spanish- 
Ainerica and Brazil, for a customs union. Habits, customs, and regu- 
lations in such matters are so fixed by usages, probably of centuries, in 
the various countries of our hemisphere, including our own, that not 
only revenue officials, but even the merchants themselves, could with 
difficulty be brought to sec the advantages of entire uniformity. Both 
those classes habitually prefer even a cumbrous routine with which 
they are familiar to a new one which they will have to learn. Each 
country would advocate the uniformity which consists in having its 
own system adopted by all other countries. The more artificial the 
system might be, the more earnestly would those trained in it insist on 
its advantages, in the same impulse of human nature that made com- 
mon-law pleaders object to the beauty and simplicity of civil-law pro- 
cedure. 

Yet, as with the reform of our own laws, much may be done by skill- 
ful diplomacy, aided by our merchants, shippers, and their agents, 
both in our own country and in the rest of our hemisphere, towards a 
partial if not complete uniformity. Tariffs could be reformed by lead- 
ing the other Governments land possibly also our own) to see that the 
revenue will not be affected and frauds will probably be diminished 
by simplifying the classification of merchandise: as. for instance, 
placing under a few general heads the four or five hundred articles, 
often but slightly different from each other, specified in most, perhaps 
all, of the Spanish- American tariffs. Arbitrary fines could lie abolished, 
customs regulations be gradually improved, the classification and val- 
uation of merchandise, even under the existing systems, be simplified 
and made explicit, and especially the modes of redress for wrongs 
made more liberal, prompt, and inexpensive than they now generally 
are in Spanish- American countries. 



"The adoption of a uniform system of weights and measures and 
uniform laws to protect the persons and property, tin 1 patent rights, 
copyrights, and trade-marks of either country in the other." 

Several Spanish- American states have already enacted laws of the 
kind above described or embodied them in treaties with European 
powers. An industrious diplomacy would doubtless secure like advan- 
tages to the United States. The question of uniformity of weights and 
measures presents greater practical difficulties. The Latin-race Gov- 
ernments of America have shown a decided tendency to adopt the 
French metric system, and although, as the experience of France her- 
self suggests, the reception of a new system by a people is of very slow 
growth, yet that metric system, on account of its intrinsic merits and 
advantages, has such a hold upon those Governments and scientific 
men in those countries that probably such a uniformity could be ob- 
563A— VOL 4 23 



354 

tained only by our adopting that system, at least in our commercial 
intercourse with them. There could be no reason for their exchang- 
ing their own popular weights and measures, of Spanish varus, leguas, 
libras, arrobas, etc., for our equally unscientific feet, yards, miles, 
pounds, bushels, etc. Perhaps a practical solution of the question, at 
least for a long time, in invoices and other commercial documents, 
could be found in fixing, by treaty or otherwise, the precise equiva- 
lents, in our weights and measures, of the old Spanish, as well as of 
those in the metric system. The uniformity would thus become, in 
practice, simply a matter of arithmetical computation, as is now the 
case in the construction of railways in Mexico, by converting miles into 
kilometros. 

CLAUSE SIXTH. 

" The adoption of a common silver coin, which shall be used by each 
Government in such an amount proportionate to the population of each 
as may be determined upon, the same to be legal-tender in the com- 
mercial transactions between the citizens of all the nations of the 
American hemisphere," presents much more formidable difficulties 
than any of the other propositions in your bill. To explain them, some 
account of the currencies of Spanish- America, succinct, but aiming to 
avoid obscurity, may be useful. 

Although some of the Spanish- American states have, theoretically, 
gold coin, yet, in fact, silver coin is alone in circulation, and, what is 
more important, is the sole measure of value. Practically they are as 
much under the silver, monometallic system as India or China. From 
some cause the silver coin known as the peso sencillo, or "simple dol- 
lar," to distinguish it from the old Spanish milled dollar, peso duro, or 
" hard dollar," is the basis of all then- coinages under the names of 
bolivar, boliviano., sol duro, &c. I conjecture that this " simple dol- 
lar," of the same weight and fineness as the French five-franc piece, 
arose from the preponderance in Spanish coins of the peseta, which 
was once so current in the United States under the name of ' ' pistareen." 
The Spanish milled dollar was legally divided into eighths, called 
reales: the peseta was, for the purpose of making small change, coined 
as of the intrinsic value of a reale and a half, and the convenience of a 
decimal system asserting itself, even under such unfavorable circum- 
stances, 5 pesetas, although only of the value of 7i reales, became the 
current measure of value, instead of the dollar of 8 reales. In Spain 
the peseta itself has been adopted, both in commerce and in Govern- 
ment accounts, as the unit of coinage, and I assume it to be of the 
weight and fineness of the French and Belgian franc, the Greek 
drachma, the Italian lira, and the Venezuela bolivar, as the Director of 
our Mint gives to each of them the value of 19, 3 „ cents. His valuations 
of the Spanish- American coins show that, except in Mexico, the peseta 
or franc is the actual unit of coinage. 



355 

Witb the extensive commerce of those states with France, Belgium, 
Spain, and Italy, and their intimate connection in habits and ideas 
with their European kindred of the Latin race, it may be expected 
thai they will adhere with great tenacity to the "common coin" they 
already have. It would seem thai we could do best by either adopting 
Hi: it common coin, for commercial transactions between us and them 
or by inventing a new silver coin of a fixed weight and fineness and 
representing a permanent value, not in an artificial ratio of value to 
gold, but in their own measure of value and as a commodity or as 
bullion. 

It so happens that our own coins of less denomination than a dollar 
correspond exactly, or very nearly so, in weight and fineness, with the 
Spanish-American silver coin, two of our half-dollars being equal in 
intrinsic value to the "simple dollar." There is no good reason whj 
they should not circulate in Spanish America as at par with like 
weights of parts of the " simple dollar." It has been said that they 
formerly did so, but that the act of » longress securing their converti- 
bility into our intrinsically much more valuable Bilver dollars (these 
also being of legal tender) caused them all to be scut home again. 
They are now rarely to be seen in any Spanish-American country. 

To agree upon an amount of the common silver coin proportioned 
to the population of eai h country also presents difficulties, as the 
amount of circulation needed by each country would not be at all in 
proportion to population, even if that could be accurately ascertained 
under the defective cen u system in Spanish America, and probablj 
not even in proportion to wealth and resources, which would probably 
have to lie only estimated. Such considerations doubtless influenced 
the Latin Union to refuse admission of Venezuela into it. even after 
sin- had a do], ted the same silvt r coinage and theoretically became also 
a bimetallic country. Hut. should such a limitation he desirable, some 
other hasis could he agreed on. Possibly a proportion to the total 
amount of each country's average imports and exports, in a certain 
series of years, would be safe and acceptable. 

The other mode above suggested would he to agree upon a new com- 
mon coin, with a specific name, say a florin, to I I the fineness of our 

own silver coin, and to weigh preciserj half an ounce, it would have 
the advantage both of being a coin and of representing an ascertained 
amount of silver, as merchandise or bullion. 

With either of these common coins as the measure of value the com- 
merce of the several countries could he carried on. the coinage of each 
country being legal tender, not for any other kind of money or com 
of any other metals or even for silver coins of other denominations, 
hut solely in fulfillment of contracts made specifically in the common 
coin, as our gold bonds are made payable only in gold coin. 

lint, of course, here we encounter tin immense difficulty that while 
the Spanish- American countries use si her alone, both for coinage and 
as a measure of value, we use both silvi r and gold and attempt to get 



356 

and keep a measure of value by fixing, through statutes, a ratio of 
value between the two metals. To discuss a mode of establishing such 
a ratio between our bimetallic coinage and the silver monometallism 
of Spanish America, would unavoidably lead into the mazes of the sil- 
ver question in our own country. I abstain from entering into them, 
except by expressing the opinion I have held ever since I examined the 
subject many years ago (but in winch I may be alone), that the whole 
attempt has been and will continue to be a conspicuous failure and 
should be abandoned. Contracts could be made in either gold or silver 
coins, of fixed weights and fineness, according to the intents of the 
contracting parties, and the ratio of value between the two metals— 
which even in our own time has varied so much that to keep up the 
semblance of it we first debased our gold coins and afterwards our sil- 
ver could be left t:> be determined by the immutable laws of even a 

slowly variable supply and demand, rather than to the dangerous ex- 
pedient of statutory or treaty regulations, changeable at the will of Gov- 
ernments which may be in necessity or influenced by false theories or 
even corrupt. For the convenience of the construction of contracts, a 
measure of value in either silver or gold could be established by law to 
define the unit of value in legal tender in contracts in which the metal 
or coin had not been specified. Under a system by which values were 
measured in greenback dollars, although at a discount below both gold 
and silver, and contracts in coin had to be exceptionally so stated, our 
commerce flourished. The difference in commercial or intrinsic value 
between the two currencies would be mere matter of computation ; 
the variances would be so gradual as to be scarcely perceptible, except 
in the laDse of an entire year, and the computations of them, to ascer- 
tain value in the one coin or in the other, would be no more difficult or 
injurious to commerce than like computations of rates of exchange. 

But, as our own people are so accustomed to fix rates of value be- 
tween gold and silver coins and to their being in certain fixed propor- 
tions legal tenders for each other— an expedient about as logical and 
sensible as a statute determining what weight of Indian corn shall be 
a legal tender for a bushel of wheat, both being in this country, and 
only one of them in Great Britain, current as food for man— a practical 
view of a common silver coin for the American hemisphere should 
take into consideration our existing bimetallism, with its disturbing 
adjunct of a statutory ratio of value which may not accord with that 
fixed by commerce in the metals themselves. 

With due diffidence, I suggest that our present half dollar, and the 
subdivisions of it, might be advantageously adopted as the common 
silver coin, as it is identical, in weight and fineness, with the measure 
of value and existing coinage of all Spanish America except Mexico. 
The privilege to convert them, under our statute, into silver dollars 
would have to be abolished, but their present limited legal tender 
qualities could be preserved. With like legal tender qualities, at par 
with like silver coins of Spanish-American countries, they would freely 



357 

circulate in those countries, as did Spanish and Mexican coins in our 
own country in the early part of this century. There would be little 
return of them, as the limited amount to which they would be legal 
tender here would be amply supplied by our own mints. The same 
limited legal-tender quality in our country could be extended without 
danger to the like coinage of South American countries joining in the 
agreement ; little of it would come to us to compete with our own. and 
we would reap the advantage that our own would be legal tender, as 
the proper measure of values, in all commercial transactions in those 
countries. Brazil, having now merely a depreciated paper currency, 
might be readily induced to introduce it into her mints; and a change 
in the coins of Mexioo could be as readily made as a like change was 
in Spain, her present dollar, where contracts call for it, being decreed 
to be the fair equivalent of 5i of the South American franc (one-fifth 
of the simple dollar). Under such an agreement for a common silver 
coin, the coinage of it could safely be left free, supply and demand 
regulating its commercial ratio of value to gold coin. The legal-tender 
qualities of those coins would be on no unequal or unfair basis. They 
would have in each country the legal tender extent given to like coins 
of that country — limited with us as our own, unlimited in Spanish 
America as their own. 

The adoption of a common coin, of the weight of half an ounce of 
silver, would encounter the difficulties that it would disturb commerce 
by giving a new measure of value, and the convenience of computing 
its value by weight might cause it to degenerate into being treated as 
mere bullion. Nevertheless, could it obtain extensive adoption in com- 
merce as a measure of value, that convenience would increase its utility. 
Transactions in it could be reduced to gold, or any other currency, by 
examining the quotations of the market value of silver in gold or in 
such other currency. 

The proposition to adopt a common silver coin of the value of our 
gold dollar, if coupled with the quality of being legal tender for the 
latter, seems to me impracticable and illusory, for the simple reason 
that, should the present value in silver of the gold dollar be adopted, 
any fluctuation in the comparative values of these metals would affect 
it. Should gold continue to rise in those comparative values, the sil- 
ver dollars of South American mints, being of less value than gold 
dollars, would have a tendency to flood our markets and increase the 
confusion into which we have already got, by using two measures of 
value and attempting to force a ratio between them. Should gold fall 
in comparative commercial value, there would be a strong temptation 
to exchange gold coins for the Spanish-American common coins, to pass 
into our circulation and unduly expand it or even be sold as bullion. 
If the common coin is to be the measure of value and legal tender only 
in transactions in such coins, and not as equivalent in any fixed ratio 
for other money or gold, the already established " simple dollar " pre- 
sents advantages over every other silver coin. 



358 

The existence of our bimetallic coinage and artificial ratio of value 
between gold and silver naturally suggests the question, how are val- 
ues of merchandise to be computed for the collection of duties where 
the invoices give amounts in "simple dollars?" The answer is read- 
ily found: the value of the new coinage, in our currency, can be annu- 
ally ascertained by the Director of the Mint and proclaimed by the 
Secretary of the Treasury, as is now done with the coins of all coun- 
tries of silver monometallism. The merchant importer or exporter, in 
ascertaining the cost to him in our currency of goods bought in Spanish 
America, or the value there, in the common silver coin, of his wares 
sent thither, need concern himself little about such valuations, as both 
his payments and receipts will be regulated, as -now, by rates of ex- 
change. But he will have a share in adjusting those rates, instead of 
having them determined for him in London. Should they exceed cost 
of transportation, interest, and insurance, he can ship American half 
dollars in legal-tender payment of his purchases in South America. In 
like manner the South American can send his " simple dollars" to the 
United States, with the advantage that, instead of being treated as 
mere bullion, as they would be in Europe, they will have a partial ad- 
vantage as legal tender, like our own subsidiary coin. The result might 
eventually be to transfer the exchange market of this hemisphere from 
London to New York. Of course, beyond the use of the common coin 
as legal-tender, it would, as any other silver coins, be valuable only as 
bullion, at the market price, in currency or gold. 

The suggestion of anew silver coin, to be legal tender when a con- 
tract calls for it and otherwise only to a limited extent, but without 
any fixed ratio of value to gold or even our standard silver dollar, is 
so novel that the foregoing suggestions are made with diffidence. I 
regret that I have not at hand information about the means by which 
Great Britain maintains a balance between her own gold monometal- 
lism and the silver monometallism of her vast possessions in India. But a 
study of those means may suggest modes of reconciling our double stand- 
ard with the single silver standard of Spanish- America. The attempt 
to do so should not be lightly abandoned; for, as President Arthur said 
in his last annual message to Congress, by the adoption of a common 
silver coin for this hemisphere^." the surplus productions of our mines 
and mints might be thus utilized, and a step taken towards the general 
remonetization of silver." 

In connection with the suggestion of introducing into our domestic 
circulation a coin based on a measure of value different from our own 
bimetallic, it may be well to note that even in gold, monometallic Eng- 
land a like plan has been considered. A special cablegram to the 
St. Louis Globe-Democrat from London on the 11th ultimo states: 
"At the dividend meeting of the managers of the Bank of England to- 
day the 1 question of bimetallism was discussed, and the coinage of a 
silver rupee and florin currency for circulation in both India and Eng- 
land was suggested." 



359 



CLArsF. SKVKNTH. 



"An agreement upon and recommendation for adoption to their re- 
spective Governments of a definite plan of arbitration of all questions, 
disputes, and differences that may now or hereafter exist between 
them." 

My personal observation and knowledge of the Spanish-American 
people through several years of sojourn with them induce me to be- 
lieve that most, perhaps all, of them will gladly make such an agree- 
ment, and the enlightened and able Emperor of Brazil would assuredly 
join in it. With the tendency of our age towards arbitration, even of 
private differences bet ween employers and employed, it may be extended 
between Governments, literally to "all questions." includingmany of 
those covered by the second section of your bill, especially those men- 
tioned in the fourth clause, which are the principal sources of disputes 
between our Government and those of the other American States. 
Thus this agreement, leading gradually to others, if not simultaneous 
with them, may become the corner-stone of the international edifice 
in which, in time, all the nations of this hemisphere will dwell together 
in the peace and harmony of a great American customs union. Should 
the congress result in even nothing more than such an agreement it 
will have fully rewarded our Government for having convoked it, 
and richly compensate us for the hospitality to be extended to its 
members. 

The impression exists in some quarters that, under such an agree- 
ment, our Government would have to assume the often thankless duty 
of being regular and perpetual arbitrator in all the quarrels of our some- 
what excitable sister American communities. The exact contrary is 
most probable; they might, from over-sensitiveness, systematically 
avoid giving the United States so conspicuous a mark of leadership. 
They woidd most probably select as arbitrator in their disputes some 
such standing international peacemaker as the late King of the Belgi- 
ans was in European differences, or some Government entirely uncon- 
nected with American interests, or the head of their religion, the Pope, 
or even, reverting to a former prevalent usage, some university of in- 
ternational reputation for erudition and integrity. 

I have, perhaps at too great length, given my views on all the sub- 
jects embraced in your bill; but I have done so in the hope to indicate 
that, even should the proposed congress result in agreements on but 
few of those subjects and by only some of the States which may send 
delegates to it. yet such results will amply demonstrate the wisdom of 
having invited it. And, even should it result in nothing definitive, the 
knowledge which each of the Governments represented in it will 
acquire of the views and policies of all the others and the personal in- 
tercourse between our own representatives and those of the other 
countries will lay the foundation of a cordiality between both which 



360 

will be advantageously felt in our future diplomatic and commercial 
intercourse with the other nations of this entire hemisphere. 
I have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

Thos. C. Reynolds. 
Hon. William P. Frye, 

United States Senate. 



REMARKS OF MR. CURTIS. 

[Address of William E. Curtis, late commissioner from the United States to Central 
and South America, before the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Sen- 
ate, with reference to Senate bill 1610, "to promote the political progress and com- 
mercial prosperity of the American nations. " March 87, 1886.] 

South of the Rio Grande and the Gulf of Mexico, in what is known 
as Spanish America, are about 48,000.000 of people, engaged in a for- 
eign commerce amounting to over $800,000,000 a year. This com- 
merce is about equally divided between exports and imports. The ex- 
ports consist exclusively of raw products and always will, while the 
imports consist of manufactured merchandise. The Spanish-American 
people have no taste for mechanical industry and lack the water- 
power or the fuel to exercise it if they had. They will always be 
compelled to import all the luxuries and nearly all of the necessaries 
of life except food, and their wealth must come from the boundless re- 
sources with which a prodigal nature has stored the. continent. 

In 1884 our exports were valued at $733,768,764, mostly manufactured 
merchandise. Of this amount we exported but $64,719,000 to Spanish 
America. Our annual mechanical and agricultural products are val- 
ued at $15,000,000,000, but we seldom have sold more than $75,000,000 
worth of this product to our nearest neighbors, who buy in Europe 
many times as much as they ever get here. 

We have more trade with either Belgium, Italy, The Netherlands, 
Spain, Switzerland, Russia, China, Japan, or Australia than we have 
with all of the Central American States combined. We have nearly as 
much trade with Greece as we have with Chili. We sell more sewing- 
machines in Switzerland than we sell in Chili, and Switzerland sells 
Chili more sewing-machines than she buys of us. 

England, France, and Germany have secured a monopoly of the 
trade of Spanish America by the establishment of quick, regular, and 
cheap transportation, and we have lost it by neglect. For example, 
Bolivia has a foreign trade of over $16,000,000 a year, yet' the name of 
that country does not appear in the tables of our Bureau of Statistics. 
The chief imports of Bolivia are cotton and woolen goods, agricultural 
implements, mining machinery, hardware, cutlery, clocks, watches, 
canned goods, and provisions, a list which could be filled in any commer- 
cial city of the United States as cheaply as in Europe, and yet the an- 
nual reports of the Treasury Department do not show a dollar's worth 
of commerce between the United States and that country. 



3<n 



The same conditions exist with other nations in quite as startling a 
form. 

In 1884 the value of manufactured merchandise imported into the 
several countries of Central and South America was as follows: 

Central America: 

Mexico $30. 000. 000 

Guatemala 3, 500, 000 

Honduras 750, 000 

Salvador 2, 750, 000 

Nicaragua 3, 250,000 

( Josta Rica 2, 800,000 

British Honduras 1,250,000 

- $44,300,000 

South America: 

French Guiana _. . 1,500,000 

Dutch Guiana '. . 1,700, 000 

British Guiana 10, 800, 000 

Venezuela 16, 000, 000 

( lolombia 13, 700, 000 

Ecuador 4, 375, 000 

Bolivia 4. 500, 000 

( 'liili 52. 600. 000 

Peru 7, 600, 000 

Argentine Republic 84, 900, 000 

Uruguay 26, 000, 000 

Paraguay 1, 300, 000 

Brazil 101, 000, 000 

325,975,000 

West Indies 117. 113. 000 

Grand total 487, 388, 000 

The figures showing the distribution of these imports for 1884 can ni it 
yet be obtained, but the exports of the United States. France, and 
Great Britain to the countries named below in 1883 were as follows: 



Countries 


United States. 


Great Britain. 


France. 


Central America 


88,003.407 
6,868,971 
8,403,705 
9,852,094 
1. 152,812 
3, 543, 196 
8,860,496 
493,894 


$4,186,893 
6,009,414 

3, 186, 183 
34,140.im 

9,683,712 
30,695,963 
21,318,312 

4,811 600 


$1,392. 113 
5,984,352 
1,324, 41 IS 

15,657,473 
5,111,211 

84,956,691 
9,655,555 
1,760,670 


Uruguay 


Chili 






88,878,625 


113,972.136 


65,843,533 





36'. 



The increase of the imports from Great Britain into the Argentine 
Republic in 1884 was very large and reached a total of $38,000,000. 
There was a corresponding increase in most of the other countries. 

The following shows the exports from England, France, and the 
United States to Mexico, Central and South America, the Spanish West 
Indies. Hayti, and San Domingo of cotton goods, iron and steel, ma- 
chines and implements, and hardware and cutlery, the goods in which 
we excel : 



Articles. 


England. 


France. 


United States. 




S45,73S,000 
11,090.000 
8,022,000 
3, S05, 000 


SO, 215, 000 

3,330,000 

1.157,000 

114,000 


$4, 563, 000 
2,810,000 
6,820,000 
1,254,000 












08, 355, 000 


10,825,000 


15,447,000 





Our total exports to Mexico are greater than those of either England 
or France, while our total exports to South America are less than one- 
fourth of those of England, and only one-half of those of France. 

During the last twenty years the value of the exports from the United 
States to the Spanish Americans was $442,048,975, and during that time 
we purchased of them raw products to the amount of $1,185,828,579, 
showing an excess of imports during the twenty years amounting to 
$765,992,219, which was paid in cash. It will thus be seen that our 
commerce with Central and South America has left a very large balance 
on the wrong side of the ledger, while those countries have all the time 
been buying in Europe the very merchandise we have for sale. Being 
the very reverse of the United States in climate and resources, they 
constitute our natural commercial allies, and the exchange should at 
least be even; but they sell their raw products here and buy their man- 
ufactured articles in Europe. The principal reason for this is that the 
carrying trade is in the hands of Englishmen. The statistics show, 
that, of the total imports into the United States from Spanish America, 
which, in 1884, amounted to $159,000,000, three-fourths were carried in 
foreign vessels. Of our exports to those countries, amounting last year 
to $64,000,000, $46,000,000 were carried in American vessels, while only 
$18,000,000 were, carried by foreign vessels. It will thus be seen that 
nearly everything we buy is brought to us from Spanish America by 
Englishmen, while nearly everything we sell we have to carry there 
ourselves. The logic of these facts is irreststible. 

The most absurd spectacle in the commercial world is the trade we 
carry on with Brazil. We buy nearly all her raw products, while she 
spends the money we pay for tliem in England and France. 

In 1884, of the exports of Brazil $50,266,000 went to the United States, 
$29,000,000 to England, and $24,000,000 to France. Of the imports of 



363 

Brazil in 1884, 135,000,000 came from England, $15,000,000 from France, 

and sx.ooiumo from the United Stutcs. 

Another peculiar feature of thi^ commerce was thai "I' the exports of 
Brazil to the United States $32,000,000 was carried in English vessels 
and $9,000,000 in American vessels, whileof her imports from the United 
States $6,000,000 was carried in American vessels and only $3,000,000 
in English vessels. The trade is carried on by triangular voyages. Two 
lines of steam-ships sailing under the British flag load every week at 
Rio for New York. Arriving at the latter port they place their cargoes 
of coffee and hides in the hands of commission merchants, and sail for 
Europe, where they draw against these consignments, and Imy Man- 

Chester cotton, Birmingham hardware, and other g Is which they 

carry to Brazil. During the last twenty years this absurd spectacle has 
cost the CTnited States $600,000,000, every cent of which lias -one into 
flic pockets of English ami French manufacturers. We have not only 
paid for the goods that England has sold Brazil, but as we have had no 
banking connections with that country and no ships on the sea, nearly 
every ton of this commerce has paid a tax to English hankers and ves- 
sel-owners. 

Several years ago when we removed the import tax on coffee, Brazil 
pul an export duty on, so that the attempt of Congress to secure a 
cheap breakfast for the workingman simply resulted in diverting sev- 
eral million dollars from the Treasury of the United States into the 
treasury of Brazil, without changing the price of the article. Mexico 
ami the countries washed by the Caribbean Sea produce a better qual- 
ity of coffee than is grown in Brazil, and if the United States Govern- 
ment woidd consent to discriminate against Brazilian coffee, raised by 
slave labor, the nations of Central America and the Spanish Main would 
reciprocate by admitting free to their ports our flour, lumber, provi- 
sions, lard, dairy products, kerosene, and other articles which are now 
kept from the common people by an almost prohibitory tariff. 

Brazil is in such a critical condition, financially and commercially, 
that if we did not buy her coffee it would rot on the trees, and the 
Englishmen who control her foreign commerce would have to close 
their warehouses and throw all the Brizilian planters into the bankrupt 
court. These Englishmen have secured mortgages upon the planta- 
tions of Brazil by supplying the planters with merchandise on credit 
and taking the crop at the end of the season in payment ; but as the 
crop seldom pays the advances, the mortgages have been lapping over 
upon the plantations, until now the Englishmen have the Brazilians by 
the throat, making their own terms, charging one profit on the mer- 
chandise sold, another as interest on the advances, a third on the coffee 
purchased, and a fourth as interest on payments deferred, while they 
make three profits out of us: first, on coffee they sell us : second, on 
transportation charges ; third, in discounting our bills on London. 

The greater part of our exports to Spanish America go to Mexico 
and the West Indies. Deducting these from the total, it will be found 



364 

that we buy over 30 per cent, of what the South American countries 
have for sale, and furnish them only 6 per cent, of their imports. The 
balance of trade goes on piling up at the rate of nearly $100,000,000 a 
year. This was not always so. Twenty years ago more than half the 
commerce of this hemisphere was controlled by the merchants of New 
York, Boston, and Baltimore, and more than half the ships in its har- 
bors sailed from those ports. Now only a small percentage of the 
carrying trade is done in American bottoms, while English ship-own- 
ers who control the transportation facilities permit the Spanish- Amer- 
ican merchants to buy in this country only such goods as they can not 
obtain elsewhere. 

The cause of this astonishing phenomenon is our neglect to furnish 
the ways and means of commerce. We can no more prevent trade 
following facilities for communication than we can repeal the law of 
gravity. While we have been pointing with pride at our internal de- 
velopment, England and France have been stealing our markets away 
from us. The problem of recovering them is easy of solution. The 
States of Central and South America will buy what we have to sell if 
intelligent measures are used to cultivate the markets and means are 
provided for the delivery of the goods. 

The Spanish-American nations seek political intimacy with the United 
States, and look to this, the mother of republics, for example and en- 
couragement. They recognize and assert the superiority of our prod- 
ucts. They offer and pay subsidies to our ships. Brazil now pays 
$100,000 a year as a subsidy to a i American steani-ship line, while the 
United States Government paid only $4,000 last year to the same line 
for carrying our mails. The Argentine Republic had a law upon its 
statute-books representing a standing offer of a subsidy of 96,000 silver 
dollars a year to any company that will establish a steam-ship line be- 
tween Buenos Ayres and New York, under the American flag, and at 
the same time has twenty-one lines of steam-ships, sailing from forty- 
five to sixty vessels a month, between Buenos Ayres and the ports of 
Europe, to which it pays nothing. We have no steam-ship communi- 
cation with the Argentine Republic whatever. During the last year, 
out of the millions of tons of shipping represented in the harbor of 
that metropolis, there were no steamers from the United States, and 
our flag was seen upon but 3 per cent, of the sailing vessels. Here is 
a nation purchasing in Europe $70,000,000 worth of merchandise every 
year, and only spending about $4,000,000 in the United States, and 
these $4,000,000 represent articles, such as petroleum, lumber, lard and 
other pork products, which could not elsewhere be obtained. 

Thomas W. Howard. United States vice-consul at Uruguay, stated 
to the Commission that the carrying trade between that country and 
Europe was done by 567 steamers, of which 203 were English, 118 
French, 107 German, 48 Italian, and 14 Spanish, with not one under the 
American flag ; and he said that no steamers ever came from the 
United States to Uruguay, except occassionally an English tramp char- 



365 

tered for a special carno. The foreign commerce of Uruguay amounts 
to $45,000,000 a year, of which over $20,000,000 are imports of maim 
factored merchandise. The chief imports are wearing apparel, iron 
and steel goods, agricultural implements, and machinery. England 
furnishes 37 per cent., France IT per cent., Germany 13 per cent., 
Spain 10 per cent., Italy 6 per cent., and the United States only 5 per 
cent. 

The Spanish- Americans erect statues to Washington and Lincoln, 
and imitate the United States in all their political and economical en- 
deavors. Their Republics are founded upon constitutions in imitation 
of that our fathers framed. They have introduced our school system, 
and they import teachers from the United States. 

Even more surprising than our neglect of the commercial opportuni- 
ties they offer is our ignorance of their condition and progress. We 
recollect their civilization as we saw it last to he an anarchy of errors. 
We do not realize that the triumph of liberal intelligence and the influx 
of modern enterprise have opened to the nations of South and Central 
America a destiny second only in promise to our own. While it would 
lie useless to seek in those Republicsan ideal of self-government, their 
progress in the last half century has placed them in a situation where 
their political reform is not only hopeful but assured. 

The development of the southern half of South America is nearly as 
rapid as that of the United States. Immigration is flooding in, internal 
improvements are opening new and fertile fields, and wealth is increas- 
ing in a ratio enjoyed by no other section of the globe. 

Chili, Uruguay, Paraguay, and the Argentine Republic, almost a 
tirni incognita to us, are booming like our Western Territories. In 
1876 the imports of the Argentine Republic, were valued at $36,000,000 ; 
in 1884 they had reached $80,000,000. In 1876 the merchandise broughl 
to that country from England, France, and Germany was valued at only 
$18,000,000, while in 1884 it was more than $53,000,000. The entire im- 
ports from the United States for twenty years wen- $6,000,000 less than 
those from the three commercial nations of Europe for the year 1884. 

Within the last three months the Government of the Argentine Re- 
public has made contracts for $59,000,000 worth of railway improve- 
ments, including a line of road northward into Bolivia and two lines 
across the continent to Chili, so as to bring the commerce of the Pacific 
slope into the harbor of Buenos Ayres, instead of taking it around the 
Straits of Magellan. 

In 1874 the foreign commerce of Chili amounted to $42,000,000; in 

1NS4 it reached $132,000,1 From $50, ,000 to $60,000,000 in r- 

chandise is imported into t'bih every year, of which England furnishes 
over $20,000,000, France over $12,000,000, Germany over $s:,<lil<>,uno, 
and the United States $3,000,000. 

Adding the imports of Brazil to those of Uruguay, Chili, and the 
Argentine Republic, it will be found that the aggregate value of man- 
ufactured products introduced into those four count ries annually reaches 



366 

the enormous sum of $250,000,000, of which England furnishes nearly 
one-half, France about $50,000,000, Germany about $35,000,000, and 
the United States about $17,000,000. 

"We have no adequate conception of the present magnitude of these 
markets,nor of their prospective value. The manufacturers of the United 
States can supply almost every article represented in that $250,000,000, 
with the exception of a few articles of luxury which we ourselves 
import. The consumption of cotton goods alone amounts annually to 
over $65,000,000, and 95 per cent, is supplied by the mills of Manchester. 

Cotton fabrics now and always will constitute the wearing apparel of 
three-fourths of the people, and they must be imported. England mo- 
nopolizes this trade, because her mills furnish an article especially 
adapted to the wants and tastes of the consumers, which our looms 
have never attempted to produce. The assertion that we can not com- 
pete with Manchester prices is absurd. The only reason we are under- 
sold is that we send an honest fabric to compete with a dishonest one; 
but as long as the English manufacturers send cargoes of pipe-clay 
and starch to the tropical countries our exporters must furnish the 
same article or be undersold. There is a grim humor in the fact that 
the popularity of our cotton goods is so great that nearly every bale of 
this bogus fabric shipped from Manchester to the South American 
nations bears the coat-of-arms of the United States, and is marked 
"Best American drillings, Mass, U. S. A." 

There is not a commercial city in Spanish America where the manu- 
facturers of the United States can not compete with their European 
rivals in every article we produce for export. The report of the South 
American Commission shows, by the testimony of the importing mer- 
chants of those countries, that aside from the difference in the cost and 
convenience of transportation it is to their advantage to buy in the 
United States, because the quality of our products is superior, and our 
prices are usually as low as those of Europe. 

But as long as the freight from Liverpool, Hamburg, and Bordeaux 
is $15 a ton, they can not be induced to pay $40 a ton to bring merchan- 
dise from the United States. 

The control of the transportation facilities being in the hands of Eu- 
ropean merchants, assisted by liberal subsidies from Governments that 
encourage them in seeking trade, there is a natural and effective dis- 
crimination against freights from this country, and is usually cheaper 
to ship goods from New York via Hamburg to the South American 
countries than to send them direct. 

The bill which Mr. Frye has introduced contemplates an assemblage 
of delegates from these Spanish- American nations at Washington for 
the purpose of considering measures to bring them into closer political 
and commercial relations with the United States. 

Under instructions from the late Secretary of State, Mr. Frelinghuy- 
sen, the South American Commission submitted to each of the Govern- 
ments it visited a series of propositions covering the suggestions con- 



367 

tained in this bill, and, with the exception of Chili, each of the Govern- 
ments visited promptly and cordially accepted the propositions made. 
The Commission was not instructed to conclude conventions of any 
character, but was directed to initiate a movement this bill is designed 
to promote. The Government of Chili declined to enter into any com- 
pact whatever with the United States, by treaty or otherwise. The 
propositions were submitted to the President of that Republic in the 
presence of his entire cabinet and discussed at length, 1 >vi t the only one 
that Government was inclined to accept was that relating to the estab- 
lishment of a common silver coin. This suggestion they very cordially 
approved, and its importance was enlarged upon by the President of 
Chili and his minister of finance. 

The proposition to hold a congress of American nations was not de- 
clined by Chili, but taken under advisement, the Government reserv- 
ing the right to accept or decline an invitation to such a congress when 
the United States was prepared to submit a plan in detail, defining its 
scope, the subjects to be considered, and the extent of the powers in- 
trusted to the delegates. 

Even if the contemplated congress should fail to reach any conclu- 
sions upon the subjects proposed for it by Congress, a visit by the lead- 
ing men of the Spanish- American nations of the United States will be 
productive of great good. 

The report of the South American Commission upon this subject says : 

'■ The attainment of closer international and commercial relations 
between our country and these Republics is easily accomplished. Our 
reports have frequently called attention to the feeling of admiration 
with which the progress, wealth, and power of our land are regarded 
by the other countries of the Western Hemisphere. They one and all 
find in our history a model for their own institutions, and our moral 
support and approbation are prized above those of any and all other 
nations. Hence our advance toward a more perfect understanding and 
greater confidence will meet with a quick and true response. There 
will be no prejudices to overcome.no antipathies to remove, few differ- 
ences of constitutional life to adjust. The result of our observations 
leads us to believe that these Republics have felt that our country here- 
tofore has given them too little thought : that in its greatness and intro- 
spection it has failed to take a warm interest in the trials and struggles 
of peoples who are striving to realize for their own countries something 
of the peace and prosperity that belong to what they always term " La 
Grande Republica." Unless we have been completely misled bj the 
expressions and protestations of the ruling powers of each and every 
one of the Governments we have visited, the only estrangement possi- 
ble between them and us will flow from our own indifference and neg- 
lect. Indeed, we have already lost much that naturally belongs to us 
from this cause. Every President and cabinet officer, every leading 
and thoughtful citizen we met, joined in the sentiment of gratified sur- 
prise that our country had taken the initiative by this embassy in bring- 



368 

ing about more cordial and hearty communication between the various 
Republics and our own. In our effort to reach more intimate relations 
we have, then, this basis of kindness and desire upon the part of those 
we seek to reach as a foundation for our action. We shall plant seed 
in a genial soil, beneath a propitious sky. 

"To the foregoing considerations we may add the beneficial influence 
of the proposed convention of representatives of the States of the West- 
ern Hemisphere. Our several reports show with what warmth the sug- 
gestion has been welcomed by nearly every country we visited. It is 
cordially indorsed by all save Chili, which only gave a qualified assent. 

"The general opinions of the Governments visited point to the pro- 
priety of this country's issuing the call for the convention, fixing time, 
place, membership, and also suggesting in the invitation a list of topics 
for discussion, at the same time conceding to every State represented 
the right to bring forward Such other subjects affecting the welfare of 
all as it may deem best. 

" Not only should the call and programme emanate from our Gov- 
ernment, but the assembly should convene in the United States under 
its hospitable welcome and direction. The details we do not enter upon, 
though we may be permitted the quite obvious reflection that the range 
of topics should be so varied that in some one or more of them each 
State should feel a particular interest, and the general scope of all tend 
to the prosperity and common good of all. We can well believe that 
the discussion of these topics which pertain to the common weal would 
be followed in each State with profound interest, the conclusions 
reached, especially if found with much unanimity, of great practical 
good, and the general result of a joint deliberation of the several people 
on questions of moment to each would inevitably weave into firmer 
fabric the warp and woof of the threads of friendship and interest and 
communication reaching from one to all the rest. Neither need we 
point out the value to our country in many ways of filling the position 
of a generous host, welcoming to our homes and estates guests whose 
good opinion we desire to win by sincere courtesy and a just revelation 
of our noble national character. To this end the representatives should 
enjoy extended opportunities to become familiar with the marvelous 
economies, politics, industry, education, and religion out of which our 
greatness has sprung. No limited or contracted parsimony should 
bound our efforts to exhibit in fair colors the magnitude and glory of 
that temple of freedom in which we worship. Every section of our 
land would reveal to their eyes, in language stronger than words, the 
wealth, progress, and happiness that attend a people whose institutions 
are founded on equality, where the poorest and weakest citizen has his 
wrongs redressed and his rights protected equally with the strongest 
and most wealthy. From such a survey they would carry home deeper 
respect for a country whose religion, unaided by the civil power, builds 
shrines in every neighborhood where the humblest may kneel and adore 
according to his conscience, where education rains down on every rank 



369 

of life manifold blessings, and where obedience to the expressed will of 
the majority is deemed a sacred duty. 

" In such a convention could be discussed, as was suggested by some 
of the States consulted, the plan of agreeing upon a common silver coin 
which should be current among all the States of the American conti- 
nent at its face value. This proposition has been favorably entertained 
by all the Governments advised with as one which would add value In 
the silver product and prove a potent factor in promoting commerce 
between the countries adhering to it. 

• ' The States of Cen; ral and South America stand ready to respond 
heartily to our call fur such a convention, and once held it would prove 
doubtless the forerunner of many more, whose influence would be puis- 
sant in promoting more intimate relations both international and com- 
mercial." 

The reports of the Commission show that the suggestions for a com- 
mon currency was favorably received by all the Governments visited, 
including Chili. All the Spanish-American countries are now under a 
system of silver monometallism. 

There is no gold to be seen; silver is not only the current coin, but 
the legal tender everywhere. These countries have paper money, but 
its value is regulated by the silver com that prevails in each; they do 
not even coin their own production of gold. 

The report of the Director of the Mint for 1884 shows that the entire 
product of gold in Spanish-America for the three years previous was 
$25,000,000, of which only $1,500,000 was corned. 

From the same report it is shown that for the three years the product 
of silver in Central and South America, including Mexico, was $143,- 
000,000. of which $84,000,000 was coined, and of this total Mexico pro- 
duced nver $86,000,000 and coined $73,000,000. Deducting from (lie 
total the product and coinage of Mexico, we find that the total product 
nt silver in Central and South America for three years was only $57,- 
000,000, or about $19,000,000 a year, while the total coinage for three 
years was only $11,000,000, or less Hum $4,000,000 a year. 

Bolivia is the next largest producer of silver. Deducting the product 
and coinage of Bolivia for three years, we find that the remaining na- 
tions of Central and South America produced only $19,000,000 in silver 
during the three years, and coined only six millions of this product, or 
about $2,000,000 a year. The balance of the product is shipped to 
Enrope in ore. 

Chili, Colombia, Bolivia, Peru, and Venezuela are the only nations 
producing silver to any amount. 

From the report of the Director of the Mint it is shown that the total 
circulation of paper money, gold coin, and silver coin hi Spanish 
America, and including Mexico, is $340,000,000, of which $243,000,000 
is paper money, and Brazil issues about three-fifths of the latter 
amount. For the details of the financial situation in the Spanish- 
American countries I would refer to the report of Mr. Reynolds, of the 
563A— VOL 4 34 



370 

South American Commission, who has given special attention to that 
subject. 

The balance of trade against the United States with these countries 
of Central and South America amounts annually to nearly $100,000,000. 
This balance is paid in bills of exchange on London, the proceeds of 
which are expended there in the purchase of merchandise which our 
markets could supply at as low figures and in as good quality as that 
of Europe. It was remarked nearly everywhere that English merchants 
of whom the South American importers were buying their goods might 
not accept such a coin in payment, and the reply invariably was that 
in such an event they would come to the United States to buy their 
goods. All commercial transactions in these countries now are cal- 
culated in pounds, shillings, and pence, the local currency never enter- 
ing into foreign commercial transactions. 

In every one of these nations, with the exception of Chili, the propo- 
sition for a reciprocity treaty was also heartily received. We admit 
free of duty into our ports the products of a people who have prohibited 
ours from entering theirs. Duties that are almost prohibitory are placed 
upon flour, petroleum, provisions, lumber, and other articles imported 
from the United States, so that they are placed beyond the reach of the 
masses of the Spanish- American people. Human transactions are usu- 
ally based upon reciprocity, but have never entered into our commerce 
with Spanish America. 

Our Government might have received concessions for the admission 
of our peculiar products free, or at a reduced rate of duty, had we been 
enterprising enough to enter negotiations in that direction. Almost 
every where the South American Commission found a willingness on the 
part of the Governments it visited to enter into commercial treaties 
whereby our peculiar products might be relieved from the ahnost pro- 
hibitory taxation, without any further concessions upon our part beyond 
giving the pledge not to impose duties where they do not now exist. 
As an illustration: The little Government of Costa Rica proposed to re- 
move the duty from cattle, salt, preserved meats, mineral, coal, raw 
cotton, timber for building purposes, brick, tile, lime, and agricultural 
and mining machinery, which they buy in the United States, provided 
the articles they produce, such as sugar, coffee, cocoa, and other articles 
which they send us are placed upon our free list. The sugar exported 
from Costa Rica last year was valued at only $278, so that there need 
be no fear of injuring our sugar interest by making the concessions they 
desire. The only articles which we now import from South America 
under a duty are sugar and wool, and almost the only wool we import 
is the coarse variety used in the manufacture of carpets, which is not 
produced in the United States. 

All our carpet wools come from Chili, Uruguay, and the Argentine 
Republic; most of our sugar comes from Cuba. The production of su- 
gar in all the South American countries would not be sufficient to sup- 
ply one-fourth of the demand in the United States, if we should take all 



371 

that is raised there. As a matter of fact none comes now. The South 
American Republics can not compete with the slave labor of Cuba, and 
never will ; but if their product were admitted free of duty they would 
give us in exchange valuable concessions that would enable our farmers 
and manufacturers to find a market for their surplus. 

With the exception of petroleum, nearly all of our exports to Central 
and South America come from the Southern States and the Northwest. 
and consist of breadstuffs, provisions, lumber, furniture, etc. Flour is 
so expensive that none but the rich can use it, the price often being as 
high as $25 a barrel, two-thirds of this cost representing the import 
duty. If the duty upon Hour were removed in all the South American 
countries the exports from the United States would be very largely 
increased, and the removal of that duty could be obtained by an ex- 
change in favor of sugar, while the almost prohibitory duty uponlum- 
ber, provisions, and other goods would be given in exchange for the 
removal of the duty on carpet wools. Petroleum is a very important 
item in the commerce of South America. Gas is scarce and high, 
owing to the lack of fuel, and almost the entire population burn can- 
dles. Petroleum put on board a ship at 15 cents a gallon in New York 
is peddled out in the South American cities in pint bottles at 25 cents 
each, or 40 cents for a quart bottle, the light of a single lamp for an 
evening costing at least a quarter of a dollar, which of course, prohibits 
its use I iv the common people. 

Three-fourths of this price represents the duty, as it is the practice of 
the South American Governments to tax the necessaries of life and 
admit the luxuries free. As an illustration: A certain Government 
which charges a duty of 400 per cent, ad valorem on our kerosene oil 
admits watches, jewelry, and diamonds at a duty of 90 cents a pound. 

Still more important is some arrangement with the South American 
nations for a uniform system of customs regulations. Their present 
system was inherited from the old Spanish tyrants, and an importer is 
lined for failing to cross a t or dot an i ; for a misspelled word, or an 
erasure of an) - kind in his invoice. 

The customs officials receive compensation from the fines and penal- 
ties which they impose, and are therefore constantly tempted to injus- 
tice. This is a greater embarrassment to merchants of the United 
States than to those of other nations, because the English, the German, 
and the French have agencies and branch houses in nearly every one 
of the South American ports. These agents are constantly associating 
with the customs officials, keep them good natured by means of their 
own. and are able in ease an error is detected to settle it without any 
considerable loss, while a manufacturer or merchant of the United 
States who is a stranger to the customs officials and who has no friends 
to watch his interests in the ports to which his goods go. is constantly 
subjected to the most harassing and disastrous fines and penalties. I 
could relate hundreds of instances that came to my attention, in which 
the customs officials of South American ports were induced by English 



372 

agents to drive American merchants out of trade by imposing upon 
them fines and penalties for the most trivial mistakes in their invoices, 
and other reasons. For example: The captain of a ship who entered a 
South American harbor with a cargo of goods, for the first time, was 
fined $350 for neglecting to salute the captain of the port when he 
came on board his vessel. It was afterwards discovered that this was 
done at the instance of the captain of an English tramp steamer, who 
had been running between that port and New York, and had failed to 
get the cargo which the American skipper carried. 

The merchants of New York, as is shown in the reports of the South 
American Commission, find that there is no profit in a trade where 
they are compelled to submit to such whims of officials and the jeal- 
ousies of rival merchants. By a proper system of treaty the United 
States could induce the South American nations to adopt a uniform 
system of rules regulating the appraisement and classification of goods 
which would obviate all the difficulties described. 

There have been two attempts to hold an international congress of 
American nations. In 1825, during the administration of John Quincy 
Adams, General Bolivar, who was then President of the United States 
of Colombia, invited the several American nations to join in a congress 
to be held at Panama in June, 1826. 

President Adams accepted the invitation, and nominated Richard 
C. Anderson and John Sargent as delegates on the part of the United 
States, and William B. Rochester as secretary to the mission. The 
message containing the nominations was referred to the Committee of 
Foreign Relations of the Senate, by whom a report was made on the 
16th of June, 1826, condemning the mission, and concluding with a 
resolution declaring it inexpedient for the United States to join the 
proposed congress. 

The report was rejected by the Senate, and on the 14th of March, 
1826, the recommendations of the President were adopted by a vote of 
24 to 19. On the 21st of April the House of Representatives, by a vote 
of 133 to 61, passed a bill making appropriations for the mission. 

Orders were transmitted to Mr. Anderson, who was then minister to 
Colombia, to attend the congress, but, on his way to Panama, he died 
of a malignant fever. His colleague, Mr. Sargent, found it impossible 
to attend the congress, and thus the United States was not represented. 

The congress was held, however, on June 22, 1826, and continued in 
session until July, concluding a treaty of friendship with all the Amer- 
ican powers who had been invited to join. 

The congress adjourned to meet in February, 1827, at Tacubaya, a 
suburb of the City of Mexico. Mr. Poinsett, United States minister to 
Mexico, was appointed commissioner to this congress in place of Mr. 
Anderson (deceased), and Mr. Sargent, his colleague, went to Mexico, 
but the congress did not assemble, owing to disturbing revolutions in 
nearly all the countries invited to join. 

In 1881, as will be remembered, Mr. Blame sent invitations to the 



373 

Spanish nations to meet the United States in a similar congress, and 
they were generally accepted, but, subsequent to the retirement of Mr. 
Blaine from the i labinet, the enterprise was abandoned, to l>c renewed 
by Mr. Frelinghuysen, his successor in office, through the South Amer- 
ican Commission, as has been related. 

THE ACTION OF THE SENATE. 

Senator Whitthorne, of Tennessee, asked that the above 
bill be taken up for consideration on the next legislative 
day, ami cm the L2th of June he spoke at length in support 
of the measure. On the 17th of June, 1886, the bill was 
passed by the Senate, upon the motion of Mr. Frye, and, 
reaching the House of Representatives on the L9th instant, 
was referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs, but no 
action was taken t Hereon. 

At the beginning of the first session of the Fiftieth ( !on- 
gress Mr. Sherman re-introduced Mr. Helper's bill for the 
intercontinental railway commission. Mr. Reagan re- 
introduced his bill to provide for a conference of Ameri- 
can nations with reference to a common silver coin, and 
Mr. Frye introduced the bill, which had passed the Senate 
at the previous session, authorizing the President to in- 
vite the other American nations to participate in a confer- 
ence at Washington. On the 15th of February, 1888, Mr. 
Frye's bill was reported favorably from the Committee on 
Foreign Relations. 

THE CUSTOMS UNION PROPOSITION REVIVED. 

Mr. Townshend, on the 4th of January, 1888, introduced 
the following bill: 

A BILL to promote the establishment of free commercial intercourse among the 
nations of America and the Dominion of Canada by the creatiou of an American 
customs union or zollvereiu. 

Whereas the establishment of free commercial intercourse among the 
nations of America and the Dominion of Canada will promote the 
friendly political relations, internal commerce, and industries, and se- 
cure a mere extended market for the surplus products of each of said 
countries: Therefore, 

Beit enaetet Ihi/ the Senate and Houseof Representatives of the United 
States <>f America in Congress assembled, That the President of the 
United States be, and he is hereby, authorized and requested to invite 



374 

the co-operation of the Republics of Mexico, Central and South America, 
the Empire of Brazil, and the Dominion of Canada in securing the es- 
tablishment of a commercial union by and between the said countries, 
to be known as the Customs Union of America, the arrangement of a 
common basis of import duties from other countries than those which 
may compose said union, and that the commercial intercourse among 
the people of all the countries included in said union may be unre- 
stricted and free from the payment of any customs or other dues whatso- 
ever ; and that a common system of silver coinage, weights, and meas- 
ures may be also established for the purpose of facilitating such inter- 
course. 

Sec. 2. That in order to accomplish said purposes the President be, 
and he is hereby, authorized and requested to invite delegates from 
each of said counties, to assemble in Washington, District of Columbia, 
on the second Monday of March, eighteen hundred and eighty-nine, to 
meet delegates on the behalf of the United States ; that each of said 
countries shall be entitled to send as many delegates as it for itself shall 
determine, but in deciding questions in the Congress no delegation shall 
have more than one vote. 

Sec. 3. That in forwarding the invitations to the constituted author- 
ities of the said several countries, the President of the United States 
shall set forth that the Congress is called to consider: First, measures to 
secure the establishment of an American Customs Union so as to pro- 
vide for absolute reciprocity of trade between all the countries embraced 
in the said union free from all customs or other duties; second, to en- 
courage the establishment of regular and frequent lines of direct steam- 
ship communication between the ports of the United States and the 
ports of all said countries by modification of navigation and maritime 
laws and other effectual legislation; third, the establishment of a com- 
mon basis of import duties and a uniform system of custom regulations 
in each of said countries to govern the importation and exportation of 
merchandise from other countries than those included in said union ; 
fourth, the adoption of a uniform system of weights and measures, and 
uniform laws to protect the person and property and the patent right, 
copyright, and trade marks of either country in the other ; fifth, the 
adoption of a common silver coin which shall be issued by each Gov- 
ernment in such an amount proportionate to the population of each as 
may be determined upon, the same to be legal tender in all commercial 
transactions between the citizens of all of the countries included in said 
union; sixth, an agreement upon and recommendation for. adoption to 
their respective Governments of a definite plan of arbitration of all 
questions, disputes, and differences that may now or hereafter exist 
between them. 

Sec. 4. That the President of the United States shall appoint one 
person from each State to said Congress as delegate on behalf of the 
United States to same, without compensation other than their expenses, 
to be selected equally from the political parties. 



375 

Sec. 5. That the sum of one hundred thousand dollars, now in the 
Treasury of the United States and not otherwise disposed of, be, and 
the same is hereby, appropriated, or so much thereof as may be neces- 
sary, and placed to the credit of the Secretary of State to defray, i' 1 '•> 
manner becoming the dignity of the United States, the expenses inci- 
dental to the holding of said Congress. 

Mr. McKinley re-introduced liis liill to authorize a Con- 
ference to determine a plan of arl titration between Amer- 
ican nations, and Mr. Yardley proposed a similar measure 
On the 4th of January, 1888, Mr. McOeary, of Kentucky, 
re-introdneed his hill authorizing the President to arrange 
for an International American Conference, and on the 9th 
of February reported the same favorably from the Com- 
mittee on Foreign Relations. 

THE BILL AUTHORIZING THE CONFERENCE BECOMES A LAW. 

On the 29th of February, 1888, Mr. McCreary's bill as 
reported from the Committee on Foreign Affairs was 
passed, and when it reached the Senate was referred to the 
Committee on Foreign Relations. On the 21st of March, 
Mr. Frye reported it back to the Senate with his bill as a 
substitute, which was passed on the 22d of March, and a, 
committee on conference, consisting of Messrs. Five, 
Dolph, and Brown, was appointed on the 28th. Messrs. 
McCreary, Russell, and Morrow were appointed as confer- 
raes on the part of the House. The conference report was 
submitted and adopted by the House on the 4th of April, 
lsss, but it was rejected by the Senate on the 25th of April, 
1888. On the 27th of April a new conference was ordered, 
and an agreement having been reached, the bill was finally 
passed by both Houses on the 10th of May, 1888, and on 
the 28th of May following it was announced that it had 
become a law without the President's approval. 



20 1843 



